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Controlled Organ Donation after Circulatory Death (DCD) was re-introduced in the UK in 2008, in efforts to increase rates of organs for transplant. Following reintroduction there were debates about the ethics of DCD, leading to production of legal and ethical guidelines. Today, DCD makes up 40% of deceased organ donors, leading to claims that the UK has 'overcome' its ethical challenges. However, there is little understanding of how DCD works in practice and the ethical implications of making DCD routine in the context of the NHS. This paper draws on data from an ethnographic study examining the practices of DCD in two acute NHS Trusts in England. Interviews with Intensive Care staff and Specialist Nurses in organ donation, observations of organ donation committee meetings and analysis of Trust documents were conducted. Findings reveal that the routinisation of DCD has created new ethical issues relating to interactions between organisational timeframes for DCD and (under)resourcing for, and de-prioritisation of, donation within an NHS subject to austerity. They include: the perceived burden on families and implications for consent when there are delays in the donation process, due to theatre space and retrieval team shortages; family and staff distress when death does not happen 'on time'; and the problem of where to take patients who do not die in time to donate. I argue these temporal-ethical issues are likely to become heightened as potential donor rates increase with the new opt-out legislation, unless the resourcing required to deal with these problems are also addressed.

A neglected area of transatlantic history is the relationship between the Reagan administration and the Northern Ireland conflict. This article will seek to address this situation by charting the extent of Ronald Reagan's interest in the issue and the ways and means that other protagonists sought to secure and prevent his involvement. It will examine the president's approach in the context of different views in his administration, the State Department's desire to maintain American neutrality on the issue, and the desire of leading Irish-American politicians for the American government to be far more interventionist. Thus, Reagan's contribution to the Anglo-Irish process encapsulates a variety of interlinking fields of research: the 'Troubles' in Northern Ireland during the 1980s; the 1985 Anglo-Irish Agreement; and the internationalisation of the conflict before the advent of President Bill Clinton in 1993.

The Irish dimension of Anglo-American relations is a relatively marginalised aspect of the historiography of transatlantic studies. Historians have focused on the role of the Clinton administration in the Northern Ireland 'peace process' but previous American contributions also warrant attention. As the Speaker of the United States House of Representatives, Thomas P. 'Tip' O'Neill was one of the most prominent Irish-American politicians. This paper will demonstrate O'Neill's attempts to ensure that the American contribution to the Anglo-Irish process steadily increased, despite the transition from arguably his natural political ally in the President Jimmy Carter administration to President Ronald Reagan in 1981. O'Neill's interest in Northern Ireland and position as speaker helped ensure that Carter's promise of financial aid to Northern Ireland in 1977 following progress in the political process was fulfilled in March 1986.

Margaret Thatcher and Ronald Reagan gained power after promising similar solutions to the economic decline of the 1970s and are commonly viewed in the same 'New Right' context. Having met twice before in 1975 and 1978, the first meeting in February 1981, following their respective ascents to power, was popularly viewed as a diplomatic 'love-in' and a reaffirmation of the Anglo-American 'special relationship' in the context of an emerging New Right hegemony. However, this article demonstrates that even at this early stage, it was clear that the Reagan-Thatcher dynamic would be as much 'political' as would be 'special'. While Thatcher used her visit to the United States to establish herself as Reagan's principle ally and to endorse his economic programme, she had also hoped that it would offer some political cover from Britain's troubled economy. However, Thatcher was undermined by the same administration that she was determined to support. Thus, this article offers fresh and renewed insight about the emergence of New Right policies in the 1980s and revisits the Reagan-Thatcher relationship, highlighting its contradictions and complexities.

In this article, I reflect upon the new pressures placed upon legal services systems in different countries over the past few years through a combination of economic recession and political hostility. I seek to argue that, although the short-term effects of these pressures upon legal aid structures may well be very harmful, in the long term a number of benefits may accrue. I argue that there are three distinct ways in which legal services schemes can reap positive benefit from attack. First, cutbacks in legal aid provide a real-life framework in which to test the validity of the theoretical and political critique of the philosophy of legal aid put forward by legal sociologists over the past decade; second, the need for a delivery system to be justified in terms of cost has led to surprising results that indicate the cost-effectiveness of more radical delivery models; third, economic restraint within the radical fringe of legal aid activity has itself stimulated a creativity of approach, and a forging of original and effective alliances, that would have been less likely in a more financially stable framework.

Offenbar unveränderte Taschenbuchausgabe eines Symbol-Lexikons, das im englischen Original bereits 1978 erschien, deutsch dann 1986 in Leipzig ("Lexikon alter Symbole") und 1988 in Wiesbaden ("Illustriertes Lexikon der traditionellen Symbole", ID 40/88; Nachdruck 1998). Es enthält ca. 1.500 symbolische Begriffe nicht nur aus der abendländischen, sondern auch aus der außereuropäischen Kultur- und Kunstgeschichte. Die Erläuterungen sind kurz und prägnant; wo möglich, führen sie dabei nach einer universellen Interpretation der Begriffe deren partikuläre Verwendung in einzelnen kulturellen Traditionen auf. Mit ca. 200 schwarz-weißen Abbildungen und der Bibliographie von 1978. Der Band kann mit seiner Stichwort-Auswahl und seinen Stichwort-Erläuterungen weiterhin als Ergänzung auch der neueren Symbol-Lexika eingesetzt werden. (2 A) (LK/AC: Karth)

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