Suchergebnisse

On the 24th February 2019 took place the parliamentary elections in the Republic of Moldova. Parliamentary elections represent one of the most important components of the political process. The distinct particularity of these parliamentary elections was determined by the fact that they took place, for the first time, in a mixed electoral system: 50 deputies were chosen on party lists, and 51 deputies in some uninominal constituencies. The changes of the electoral system are examined and the consequences of the implementation of the new system for the evolution of political processes in the Republic of Moldova.

In the post-soviet states, the paradigm of the administrative-territorial structure of the state continues to be used, which is based on the approach to the distribution of state power in relation to the territory from top to bottom inherent in non-democratic societies. This model, built on the principles of authoritarian regimes, is sufficiently stable, but excludes local initiative and the mobilization of own resources for development. It is obvious that this model of territorial organization of public power requires a radical reform, and in order to successfully carry out the reform it is necessary to change the research paradigm of the phenomenon. The paradigm of territorial organization of public power, proposed by us, is based on the ascending approach of the phenomenon that has, as a starting point, the recognition of the plurality of public territorial collectivities in the contemporary democratic societies. In such an approach, the distribution of public power in relation to the territory does not consist only in the delimitation of the territory of the state, but is an ample process of identifying the optimal territorial dimensions for the local and intermediate communities. The search for a territorial optimum meets two basic tasks: a) the self-sufficiency of local communities and b) ensuring the conditions for the functioning of the local democracy.

As a result of direct diplomatic and military pressure exerted by the Soviet Union and blackmail by Germany and Italy in support of the aggressor, in June 1940 the Romanian administration and army left the territory of Bessarabia. The aim of the research is to reconstruct the events that occurred in a very complex and equally controversial period in the history of Cahul county - the establishment of the soviet occupation regime in summer 1940. In order to elucidate the subject, was used the method of content analysis of the official documents drawn up by the competent authorities of the "Lower Danube" Land, contained in the archive funds. A reliable source of information on the early days of soviet occupation is the refugees' testimonies from Bessarabia. Although they provided stoning information, marked by personal feelings, they are still an important source of information because they were provided by eyewitnesses of the events. From the very first days of Soviet occupation, Soviet-type power structures were created in Bessarabia, and a number of political, economic, social and propaganda measures were taken to establish the soviet regime as soon as possible. The repressive measures taken by the new authorities caused discontent among the population, causing disappointment even to those who enjoyed the "moment of liberation".

The present study re-enacts the events that took place in Ismail district within the last days under the Romanian administration, and the first weeks of the installing of the new Soviet regime.
There are documents about the reactions and approaches of the Romanian authorities regarding the retreat from Bessarabia in June 1940, the way in which local people reacted towards the events that took place quickly, the reactions of the Soviet authorities in the occupied territory, the measures taken regarding the installing of the Soviet regime.
The study is based upon the documents elaborated by the following Romanian authorities: the Royal Resident of the County Dunarea de Jos, the Third Regiment of Gendarmerie Dunarea de Jos, and the County Police Inspectorate of Dunarea de Jos.

By their status and their organisational structure, the Regional Bureaus for Cross-border Cooperation in Romania are non-governmental bodies of private law, their stated mission being that of advertising the regional development and the cross-border cooperation. The study highlights the institutional isomorphism and the implications of this phenomenon in the advertising and support of the cross-border cooperation. The documentary analysis proves that the Regional Bureaus of Cross-border Cooperation in Romania are sensitive to the mimetic and normative pressures, but less to those of coercion. The set-up model, the financing and current activity practices, bring them closer to the status and activity of a governmental agency and makes them distinctly separated from what a non-governmental structure should be. The capacity of these structures to accomplish their fundamental mission through "soft transfer mechanisms" (styles, ways of taking action, values, etc.) is reduced. The conditioning of the financial support is imposed as a solution for the effective organization of the activities.

Over the last three decades the Republic of Moldova has experienced several waves of
reforms and counter-reforms. The governing political forces have implemented different reform
strategies, mostly of them influenced by their political interest are short-term. Recently, in the public and also in the academic aworld we hear more and more about the need for an "administrativeterritorial" reform. There are several projects and approaches of the future reform. What is common to the most of the discussed projects is the solution offered to overcome existing territorial fragmentation – amalgamation of the local communities. The European experience in territorial organization of local public power offers solutions other than amalgamation. One of these solutions is inter-municipal cooperation. The problem is the following: can inter-municipal cooperation be a solution for overcoming the territorial fragmentation in the Republic of Moldova or it can only be acomplementary factor of the amalgamation?

A plausible argument in favour of reforming the territorial organisation of the
public power is the demographic situation in Moldova. Currently, the Republic of Moldova
is faced with a series of demographic issues that leave their mark on many processes that
take place. Here, I refer to the natural movement of the population, the migration
phenomenon, aging and pauperization of the population. Closely related to these processes,
there are also other phenomena: depopulation, de-urbanisation, and ruralization of urban
settlements in Moldova.
These tendencies and phenomena that take place in the Republic of Moldova require
a new principled approach for the territorial organization of public power. Under the newly
created circumstances, the population of local communities that are constantly shrinking
does not have sufficient means to finance the activity of local public authorities and
therefore, not having sufficient means due to the limited tax base, cannot provide quality
public services.

The rational territorial organization of public power has a special importance of building a democratic state in the Republic of Moldova. The efficient functioning of the system of public power in a unitary state like Moldova largely depends on its territorial organization and the interaction established between the local and state power.
Although Moldova has gone through several stages of reforming the territorial organization of public power, the experience obtained implementing the administrative-territorial reform in 1998 and the Counter Reformation in 2003 has not been sufficiently analyzed and systematized on a theoretical level.
The theoretical conceptualization of the notion "territorial organization of public power" provides an efficient mechanism of analyzing for theorists, and also a practical tool for practitioners.

By signing and ratifying the Association Agreement, Republic of Moldova reconfirmed its willingness to adjust itself to European values and standards of living. The implementation of the Agreement provisions requires extensive work to reform all spheres of life and areas of activity. These changes depend heavily on the ability of central and local public authorities to realize and carry out the imminent reforms. Thus, for a successful implementation of reforms, itis necessary to reform the administrative system itself that will put into practice the achivements of the provisions of the Association Agreement.
An important role in the well functioning of public authorities has the territorial organization of public power. A clear division of powers within the framework of the public power decentralization is one of the factors that contributes to the harmonious development of society. An effective decentralization will foster regional development and contribute to strengthening local territorial communities, and this fact will allow the provision of quality services locally.
The aim of this study is to elucidate the problems regarding the territorial organization of public power in terms of implementing the Association Agreement. Does the application of the Agreement provisions require the territorial and administrative delimitation reform of Moldova, or is it likely to make reforms in the administrative-territorial division of Soviet origin revived by the 2003 anti-reform?
The author have studied the provisions of Moldova-EU Association Agreement and documents related to it, the experience of some European countries regarding the territorial delimitation of public powers and political parties' visions on the territorial administrative division of Moldova to answer this question.

The name is one of the essential defining elements of a local identity.
Through his name the local community identifies and individualizes itself in
relation to other communities of the same gender. The present study
emphasizes the idea that the toponymic reforms initiated in 1812 after the
annexation of Eastern Moldova by the Russian Empire and those from the
Soviet period were used as a tool to form a new collective identity and to
erase the historical memory. This was put into practice by providing new
names to the localities and administrative-territorial units and the
liquidation of names of places that could raise "unwanted" cultural and
historical associations of population.
The initial phase of the territorial-administrative reform in Moldova was
defined by a return to national and historical names of localities and to the
legitimacy of toponyms and anthroponyms in their traditional and correct
forms which was a relevant achievement.

The judicial delimitation of the territory of the state is meant to increase the efficiency of the public authorities' activity, to enhance their initiative and promptness, to improve the links between the central and local authorities, to provide necessary conditions for people's participation in and access to local decision making and local public life. In 1998, a territorial-administrative reform was carried out in Moldova. This reform reduced the number of territorial-administrative units of level II from 40 to 10. When the Communist Party of Moldova gained power in 2001, a counter-territorial-administrative reform was prepared and implemented, and through this reform the country returned to the Soviet system of administrative-territorial organization. Returning to territorial delimitation by territorial administrative units of small size by area, economic potential and population, one does not meet the criteria of efficiency and is contrary to European developments in the field. Moldova's European option requires moving the focus to developing local initiative and strengthening regional centers. The existing administrative-territorial structure should be changed. It is clear that the current territorial fragmentation does not contribute to local economic development and does not favor the development of collaborative relationships between central and local authorities.

The paper details the first five years of Russian administration in Bessarabia, a period in which the an interesting dispute existed between the Russian civil servants, eager to remove all local regional particularities and to unify the provincial administration with that of the Empire, and the local Moldavian nobility, who struggled for the preservation of the old legal principles and administrative customs, with the use of Romanian in all the domains of activity.

Nowadays, it is customary to talk about globalization and internationalization almost everywhere, and in almost all the fields of human activity. This natural tendency of development also applies to the sphere of higher education, where, due to the specificities of the higher education system itself, internationalization has acquired its special features and characteristics. There is no universal model of internationalization. The existing regional and crosscountry differences in internationalization are constantly changing, as well as the differences between the approaches to internationalization used in different universities. Thus, it becomes obvious that-despite some existing skepticism in educational circles about the processes of internationalization-these processes become an integral part of the universities' life. And, most importantly, such processes contribute to the development of the university, increasing its competitiveness in the national and international markets of educational services and scientific research. Awareness of this fact, in our opinion, happened quite quickly, and internationalization become an effective tool for the development of educational institutions.

On the 24th February 2019 took place the parliamentary elections in the Republic of Moldova. Parliamentary elections represent one of the most important components of the political process. The distinct particularity of these parliamentary elections was determined by the fact that they took place, for the first time, in a mixed electoral system: 50 deputies were chosen on party lists, and 51 deputies in some uninominal constituencies. The changes of the electoral system are examined and the consequences of the implementation of the new system for the evolution of political processes in the Republic of Moldova.