This study investigated experimentally whether social class of people who appear in news stories influences Chilean journalists' ethical reasoning. Based on schema, social identity, and moral development theories, it found that journalists applied lower levels of ethical reasoning when faced with an ethical dilemma associated with the poor, an effect moderated by participants' involvement in the story. Psychological mechanisms—such as involvement, mental elaboration about stories' subjects, and identification with them—influenced participants' ethical thinking.
En el presente trabajo se lleva a cabo un análisis conjunto de la anunciada reforma del comiso tanto a nivel europeo, a través de la Propuesta de Directiva del Parlamento Europeo y del Consejo, sobre el embargo preventivo y el decomiso de los productos de la delincuencia en la Unión Europea, de 12 de marzo de 2012, como a nivel nacional, a través del Proyecto de reforma del Código Penal de 20 septiembre de 2013, desde la perspectiva de los derechos fundamentales y principios reconocidos en la UE y en España. También se tienen en cuenta las modificaciones del comiso previstas en los Anteproyectos de 2012 y 2013. Una vez más, escudándose en la normativa de la Unión Europea, esta vez en una mera Propuesta de Directiva, y partiendo del hecho de que en ésta se prevén normas mínimas que permiten que las legislaciones nacionales tengan mayor alcance, el Gobierno Español, bajo el lema "más vale que sobre que falte", aborda la reforma de esta sanción elevando a régimen general lo que se prevé a nivel europeo como régimen especial para delitos de cierta gravedad, los conocidos como eurodelitos. ; In the present work we carried out a joint analysis of the announced reform of the confiscation at European level through the Proposal for a Directive of the European Parliament and of the Council on the freezing and confiscation of proceeds of crime the European Union of 12 March 2012, and at the national level, through the Proyect of reform of Penal Code September 20, 2013 , from the perspective of fundamental rights and principles recognized in the EU and in Spain. It also takes into account changes in the confiscation under the 2012 and 2013 Drafts. Again , hiding behind the rules of the European Union, this time in a mere proposal for a directive , and based on the fact that this minimum standards that allow national laws have greater reach, the Spanish Government under the anticipated slogan "better than on missing " is to reform this sanction elevating general scheme which is expected at the European level as special treatment for certain serious offenses, known as eurocrimes. ; In der vorliegenden Beitrag führten wir eine Reihe der angekündigten Reform der Einziehung auf europäischer Ebene durch die Analyse Vorschlag für eine Richtlinie des Europäischen Parlaments und des Rates über die Sicherstellung und Einziehung von Erträgen aus Straftaten der Europäischen Union vom 12. März 2012 und auf der nationalen Ebene, durch den Entwurf eines Strafgesetzbuches Reform 20. September 2013, aus der Perspektive der Grundrechte und Grundsätze in der EU und in Spanien anerkannt. Es berücksichtigt auch die Änderungen in der Beschlagnahme unter den Vorentwurfen von 2012 und 2013. Auch hier versteckt sich hinter den Regeln der Europäischen Union, dieses Mal in einer bloßen Vorschlag für eine Richtlinie, und basierend auf der Tatsache, dass diese Mindeststandards , die einzelstaatlichen Rechtsvorschriften eine größere Reichweite , die spanische Regierung unter dem erwarteten Motto " besser als auf fehlende " ist es, diese Sanktion Hebe allgemeine Regelung, die auf europäischer Ebene als Sonderbehandlung für bestimmte schwere Straftaten , wie erwartet wird, bekannt eurodelikte reformieren.
En este trabajo llevamos a cabo un análisis de la regulación del comiso en los delitos de tráfico de drogas contemplada en el art. 374 del Proyecto de reforma del Código Penal de 2013. Puesto que la supresión de algunas normas especiales contenidas actualmente en el art. 374 CP es consecuencia de las previsiones sobre el embargo preventivo, utilización provisional y enajenación anticipada contempladas en los dos primeros apartados del art. 127 seis PrCP, abordamos el estudio de este nuevo precepto y de las modificaciones de los artículos de la LECr que regulan estas medidas, teniendo en cuenta lo dispuesto en la Propuesta de Directiva, de 12 de marzo de 2012, sobre el embargo preventivo y el decomiso de los productos de la delincuencia. Igualmente nos ocupamos de ciertos aspectos de la regulación del comiso contemplada en la Ley Orgánica de Represión del Contrabando, en su redacción dada por la Ley 6/2011, de 30 de junio, al haberse reabierto el debate sobre la relación entre los delitos de tráfico de drogas y de contrabando. ; In this work we perform an analysis of the regulation seizure in drug trafficking offenses referred to in art. 374 of the Draft Criminal Code Amendment 2013. Since abolition of certain special rules currently contained in art. 374 CP is a result of the forecast of freezing, early provisional use and disposal referred to in the two first paragraphs of art. 127 six PrCP, we study this new rule and amendments to the articles of the Criminal Procedure Act that regulate such measures, taking into account the provisions of the Proposal for a Directive on the freezing and confiscation of proceeds of crime in the European Union of March 12, 2012. We also deal certain aspects of the regulation of confiscation referred to in the Act Organic suppression of smuggling , as amended by Law6/2011 of 30 June, the debate about the relationship have reopenedbetween the crimes of drug trafficking and smuggling. Keywords: freezing of assets, confiscation, recovering assets, traffic of drugs; smuggling drugs.
This trend study describes changes and continuities in the stratification of usage of Facebook, Twitter, Instagram, and WhatsApp in Chile between 2009-2019—the decade that witnessed the rise of social media. Using the Youth, Media and Participation Study—a probabilistic survey conducted on an annual basis among 1,000 individuals aged 18 to 29 living in the three largest urban areas in Chile (N = 10,518)—we analyze how frequency of use and type of activities conducted on social media has varied over time along socioeconomic status, gender, and age cohort. Instead of a uniform trend towards less (or greater) inequality, the results show that each platform exhibits a unique dynamic. For instance, whereas SES-based inequality in frequency of use has decreased on Facebook over time, it has remained stable on WhatsApp and increased on Twitter and Instagram. In addition, significant differences in the likelihood of conducting different activities (e.g., chatting, commenting news, sharing links) remained across groups, even on platforms such as Facebook where frequency of use has equalized over time.
This study explored how female journalists affect news content when holding positions of power, reaching a critical mass in the newsroom, and covering an issue that appeals to them. The study compared a male-dominated news organization's coverage of the human papilloma virus (HPV) vaccine with coverage by a more gender-balanced organization in terms of news executives and reporters. It also explored whether content produced by female reporters from both organizations differed. The more gender-balanced organization covered the vaccine more frequently and more prominently, and used more diverse themes than its counterpart. The content created by female reporters at different outlets also diverged.
Digital inclusion research has focused on the conditions, practices, and activities necessary to ensure that all individuals and communities, including the most marginalized populations, can access and use digital technologies. The complexities of Internet appropriation that enable digital inclusion have traditionally been approached from a macro‐level perspective that focuses on access infrastructure policies. Although motivations and social, economic, and cultural capital have been part of the analysis at the individual level, there are still questions about how this process unfolds at the community level. Specifically, little is known about how dynamics and interactions among marginalized groups with weaker online skills and limited Internet access influence technological appropriation. The ethics of care offers complementary insights into this phenomenon, allowing scholars to look at how emotions can trigger actions that lead to the technological involvement of those on the digital periphery. Drawing on 71 in‐depth interviews conducted in person with Internet users in 16 rural and urban communities in Chile, we discuss how care sets the stage for organizing, helping, and teaching others. Our results show that emotions such as empathy, powerlessness, and frustration were vital to giving and receiving forms of care that facilitate digital activities. The findings also suggest that digital assistance is more prevalent in tightly‐knit marginalized communities with more trusting communication patterns.
In: New media & society: an international and interdisciplinary forum for the examination of the social dynamics of media and information change, Band 26, Heft 2, S. 995-1017
Public policies across the world are tackling Internet access inequality through mobile connections, which has led to an increase in mobile-only use. However, digital skills remain as a stumbling block to achieve digital inclusion. Using a two-wave panel survey on a representative sample conducted in Chile between 2018 and 2020, this study investigates how different mode of access (i.e. mobile-only vs mobile and computer) affects digital abilities over time. Results show significant differences in skills by mode of access. People who became hybrid users (mobile and computer) by wave 2 significantly gained skills while those who were hybrid and became mobile-only by wave 2 significantly lost abilities. People who did not change their type of access did not change their level of digital skills, despite the past of time and gained experience using the Internet. These conclusions show how mode of access may have a key effect on people's digital inclusion.
AbstractAs mobile‐only use has increased over the last decade, research has found that mode of online access (mobile‐only vs. mobile and computer use) is related to digital inequalities. Relying on the literature on affordances and digital inclusion, this study seeks to: (1) examine the effects of mode of access on the number of online activities, over time; and (2) understand how the context of transitioning between modes of access shape how people perceive technologies. We conducted a 3‐year mixed‐methods longitudinal study. First, we ran a two‐wave representative panel survey in Chile (N = 512). People who became hybrid users increased their activities, whereas those who became mobile‐only decreased them. Then, we interviewed a subsample of people who switched mode of access between waves (N = 22). We found that people's relation with devices and their choices evolve over time according to their shifting needs and contexts. These results point to users' agency and the relevance of the concept of affordances. Thus, we propose the concept of transitional affordances to explain how users' perceptions, experiences, and ability to compare between mode of access shape their relation, engagement, and perceived affordances of technologies.
The Internet has allowed digital media users to be more than just consumers of political information, allowing the chance to create their own online political content. Thus, users can now create personal blogs, post comments on others' blogs, contribute with citizen news, and upload their videos about current events and public affairs. Drawing from sociological and psychological frameworks, this study explores the socio-demographic and psychological characteristics of online political content creators and the effects of this behavior for the political and civic spheres. A survey of U.S. adults reveals that income and age are negatively correlated with political content creation, as well as emotional stability and life satisfaction, while extraversion was positively related. Further, the creation of political content was a positive predictor of political participation and civic engagement, even after controlling for demographics, psychological factors, media use and trust, suggesting a positive linkage between the production of online political content and both political and civic participatory practices.
In: New media & society: an international and interdisciplinary forum for the examination of the social dynamics of media and information change, Band 17, Heft 4, S. 483-500
This study investigated to what extent sons and daughters influence their parents' adoption of digital media, particularly the internet, compared to other influence sources. It also explored structural factors that play a role in this bottom-up process, such as socio-economic differences and gender. Finally, it examined the relationship between this bottom-up technology transmission process and parents' levels of internet self-efficacy and online activities. Drawing from socialization and diffusion of innovation research and using a self-administered random mail survey, we found that children play a role in including their parents in the digital environment, particularly among women, people who are older (35 years old and above), and belong to lower socio-economic groups. We also found that this bottom-up technology transmission is somewhat negatively associated with parents' internet self-efficacy. Implications and possible interpretations of these results are discussed.
Garnering coverage across the political spectrum is a major challenge for burgeoning social movements. The #MeToo movement stands out due to the volume of attention it generated. Yet, it is unclear how news media across the partisan spectrum covered the movement using different sexual violence language markers, latent topic, and word choices and which accusations and events drove media attention. To examine this, we used Media Cloud to extract 17,877 news articles from nine media outlets across the political spectrum, containing specific n-grams or co-occurrences of (1) "metoo," (2) "sexual misconduct," (3) "sexual harassment," and (4) "sexual assault" from October 2017 through February 2018. The analyses first examined whether language and attention differed across the ideological news ecology and then turned to time-series modeling of these discourses to examine what drove press coverage and structural topic modeling (STM) and term frequency-inverse document frequency (TF-IDF) analysis to understand latent topics and language usage. Findings reveal that (1) left-leaning media dedicated more relative attention across all topics—#MeToo, sexual misconduct, sexual harassment, and sexual assault—relative to centrist and right-leaning media. Moreover, across the right, left, and centrist media, the language markers "misconduct," "harassment," and "assault" decreased over the study period, while the mentions of #MeToo movement increased during the same period; (2) stories relating to entertainment and those accusing politicians, especially those belonging to the party in power at the Federal level, seemed to be by far the strongest driver of news media attention; and (3) we further observed partisan differences in topics of news coverage and language usage.
This research brings together digital inequality scholars from across the Americas and Caribbean to examine efforts to tackle digital inequality in Uruguay, Chile, Peru, Brazil, Mexico, Cuba, Jamaica, the United States, and Canada. As the case studies show, governmental policy has an important role to play in reducing digital disparities, particularly for potential users in rural or remote areas, as well as populations with great economic disparities. We find that public policy can effectively reduce access gaps when it combines the trifecta of network, device, and skill provision, especially through educational institutions. We also note, that urban populations have benefitted from digital inclusion strategies to a greater degree. This underscores that, no matter the national context, rural-urban digital inequality (and often associated economic inequality) is resistant to change. Even when access is provided, potential users may not find it affordable, lack skills, and/or see no benefit in adoption. We see the greatest potential for future digital inclusion in two related approaches: 1) initiatives that connect with hard-to-reach, remote, and rural communities outside urban cores and 2) initiatives that learn from communities about how best to provide digital resources while respecting their diversely situated contexts, while meeting social, economic and political needs.