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Im Ausgang von einer Untersuchung der Beziehungen zwischen antirassistischen Bewegungen in Brasilien und in den USA thematisiert dieser Band die Paradoxien einer transnationalen Politik von unten. Im Zentrum des Interesses stehen demokratietheoretische und soziologische Fragestellungen, die mit Hilfe dreier Theorieansätze diskutiert werden: Habermas' Ausführungen zur postnationalen Konstellation, die Theorie der reflexiven Moderne von Giddens und Beck sowie die soziologische Rezeption der Postcolonial Studies. Durch fundierte empirische Arbeit und präzise Theoriekritik arbeitet die Studie gegen den »Mainstream« eine konstruktiv dezentrierte soziologische Perspektive aus, in der sich die globale Gesellschaftsordnung jenseits epistemologischer Eurozentrismen zeigt. Das Buch schlägt damit eine Brücke zwischen den Diskursen der Cultural bzw. Postcolonial Studies auf der einen Seite und der Soziologie auf der anderen Seite

The middle class, or rather middle classes, to do justice to their heterogeneity, have been and continue to be at the centre of the long political and economic crisis that has been ravaging Brazil since 2014. Available interpretations that try to explain the positions taken by different political authors are biased by structural, ideological, or cultural determinism. To escape these determinisms, I draw on Stuart Hall's political sociology in order to understand the link between the class situation of the middle classes and their constitution as political subjects of various shades as contingent intersectional articulations. The emphasis on contingency obviously does not imply a belief that political developments are fortuitous and detached from social structures. Nor does it ignore the existence of groups with deeply held ideological or cultural convictions who consistently adopt, over long periods of time, political attitudes compatible with these beliefs. However, taken as a whole, the middle classes have shown a very heterogeneous and changing political trajectory over time. They adhere to discourses - both right-wing or more egalitarian ones - and make political choices based on the power of these narratives to capture, in given circumstances, their anxieties, expectations, claims and aspirations.

Ausgehend von Ansätzen, die Sozialstruktur- und Machtanalysen miteinander verbinden und erweitern, deutet der Beitrag die jüngeren politischen Entwicklungen in Brasilien als Ausdruck eines intersektionalen Verteilungskonflikts. Dabei wird im gegenwärtigen Rechtsruck der Versuch erkannt, jüngste (leichte) Verschiebungen in der Macht- und Sozialstruktur zugunsten der Armen, der Newcomer sowie der Schwarzen, der Frauen und der LGBT-Gruppen rückgängig zu machen. Die Strategie, das alte Verteilungsarrangement zu restaurieren, wird im Aufsatz unter Berücksichtigung von Äußerungen und Amtshandlungen der seit dem 1. Januar 2019 amtierenden Regierung diskutiert.

Unter dem Vorwand einer Initiative für eine unparteiische Schule wird in Brasilien der Weg zu einer politischen Bildung geebnet, die autoritäre und marktradikale Ideologien verbreiten soll. Die Regierung Bolsonaros hat sich die Interessen der Bewegung faktisch zu eigen gemacht. (APuZ)

Orientando-se em trabalhos que combinam as tradições marxista e weberiana na análise da estrutura social, o texto estuda a crise brasileira contemporânea como conflito distributivo, envolvendo quatro classes ou estratos (pobres, outsiders, estabelecidos, milionários) definidos a partir de cinco vetores determinantes da desigualdade social: riqueza, posição em contextos hierárquicos, conhecimento, associação seletiva e direitos existenciais. A hipótese orientadora é que a aliança de classes comandada pelo PT trouxe, entre 2003 e 2013, em geral, mais riqueza, conhecimento e direitos existenciais, mas perda de posição para os estabelecidos já que seu poder de excluir outsiders e pobres diminui. A partir de 2014, a crise econômica faz com que todos os grupos percam riqueza, ainda que em proporções distintas. Ao mesmo tempo, as investigações sobre corrupção desarticulam as associações seletivas dos milionários com políticos e o estado. Diante deste quadro, o arranjo distributivo entre capital, trabalho assalariado e estado estabelecido pelo PT em 2003 (o "lulismo") perde sua sustentação na esfera pública e no âmbito parlamentar, culminando com o afastamento de Rousseff. Seu sucessor, Temer, reajustou, sistematicamente, o arranjo distributivo em favor do capital. O novo governo conduzido pelo político de extrema direita Bolsonaro segue na mesma linha. ; Focusing on works that combine Marxist and Weberian traditions in the analysis of social structure, this article addresses the present-day Brazilian crisis as a distributive conflict, involving four social classes or strata (the poor, outsiders, the well-to-do, and millionaires) defined from five determinant vectors of social inequality: wealth, position in hierarchical contexts, knowledge, selective association and existential rights. The guiding hypothesis is that the PT-led alliance between 2003 and 2013 was able to increase the overall level of wealth, knowledge and existential rights, but the established lost positions given their diminished capacity to exclude ...

RESUMO Orientando-se em trabalhos que combinam as tradições marxista e weberiana na análise da estrutura social, o texto estuda a crise brasileira contemporânea como conflito distributivo, envolvendo quatro classes ou estratos (pobres, outsiders, estabelecidos, milionários) definidos a partir de cinco vetores determinantes da desigualdade social: riqueza, posição em contextos hierárquicos, conhecimento, associação seletiva e direitos existenciais. A hipótese orientadora é que a aliança de classes comandada pelo PT trouxe, entre 2003 e 2013, em geral, mais riqueza, conhecimento e direitos existenciais, mas perda de posição para os estabelecidos já que seu poder de excluir outsiders e pobres diminui. A partir de 2014, a crise econômica faz com que todos os grupos percam riqueza, ainda que em proporções distintas. Ao mesmo tempo, as investigações sobre corrupção desarticulam as associações seletivas dos milionários com políticos e o estado. Diante deste quadro, o arranjo distributivo entre capital, trabalho assalariado e estado estabelecido pelo PT em 2003 (o "lulismo") perde sua sustentação na esfera pública e no âmbito parlamentar, culminando com o afastamento de Rousseff. Seu sucessor, Temer, reajustou, sistematicamente, o arranjo distributivo em favor do capital. O novo governo conduzido pelo político de extrema direita Bolsonaro segue na mesma linha.

The present paper draws on works that combine Marxist and Weberian traditions of social structure analysis to interpret the contemporary Brazilian political crisis as a distributive conflict involving four classes or strata (precariat, outsiders, established, millionaires), defined using five determinant vectors of social inequality: wealth, position, knowledge, selective association and existential rights. The four classes or strata considered saw their wealth, their existential rights, and their knowledge grow in the period between 2003 and 2013. However, in this period, the precariat and the outsiders ascended significantly in their social position, while the established lost social position to the extent that their power to exclude outsiders from social spaces formerly reserved for their own usage diminished. The same logic applies to selective associations with regard to gender and race, since during the Workers' Party (PT) administrations there was a decrease in the power of men and whites to discriminate against women and blacks. This loss of position in the hierarchies of class, gender and race fed the resentment of the established against the PT government even in times when, in terms of wealth, they experienced an ascendant trajectory. Starting in 2014, the picture changed. The exacerbation of the economic crisis caused all of the strata, especially the outsiders, to lose wealth. The established, though less threatened by the outsiders (the most affected by the crisis), also experienced social decline as the recession advanced. Finally, the millionaires who had until then been gaining at all of the levels of inequality with the PT governments, lost at least part of their selective associations as the investigations into corruption advanced. It is precisely when the millionaires began to lose that effective changes in favor of the removal of the president began to occur.

In line with developments observed in several Latin American countries, inequalities in Brazil have significantly declined since the Workers' Party, PT, came to power in 2003. During the two administrations of former President Lula da Silva (2003-2006 and 2007- 2010) and the first administration of President Dilma Rousseff (2010-2014), economic growth, improvements in labor market, progress in deprived regions and pro-poor policies interacted positively as drivers of inequality reduction. But due to the recent economic stagnation and political instability, Rousseff, in her new administration (2015- 2018), is facing serious difficulties in sustaining the social gains obtained during the last twelve years. It seems that continuing the progress in inequality reduction in times of low economic growth requires deeper structural changes such as a progressive tax reform in order to effectively redistribute resources from the rich to the underprivileged classes. This paper discusses recent developments in Brazil from the perspective of entangled inequalities, a concept applied here with the objective of enlarging the narrow definition of inequality brought forward by hegemonic scholarship. After a brief introduction into the conceptual framework of entangled inequalities, the paper presents, in its second section, an overview of recent changes in Brazilian social structure. The third section discusses the role of the Brazilian state in reducing inequalities. Finally, recent developments in Brazil with regard to the entangled inequalities framework are assessed.

[Der Verfasser] beschreibt in seinem Beitrag Brasiliens politisches System. Er erörtert dessen Aufbau, die besonderen Problemlagen sowie die maßgeblichen Akteure samt ihren Befugnissen und Handlungsspielräumen. Zunächst werden die Exekutive und die Judikative kurz umrissen, danach folgen Ausführungen zu den Strukturen der Legislative sowie zum Prozess der Gesetzgebung. Abschließend werden das Wahlsystem, die Parteien sowie Rolle und Einfluss der Interessengruppen dargestellt. Eine weitere Besonderheit ist der föderale politische Handlungsrahmen: Politik vollzieht sich auf nationaler, bundesstaatlicher sowie kommunaler Ebene und bringt so einen Abstimmungsbedarf mit sich (Original übernommen).

"Die Demokratie hat sich in Brasilien seit ihrem Neubeginn im Jahr 1989 etabliert und konsolidiert. Die wirtschafts- und sozialpolitischen Anstrengungen und Reformen der Präsidenten Fernando Henrique Cardoso (1995-2002) und Luiz Inácio 'Lula' da Silva (2003-2010) haben zur Stabilisierung des politischen Systems und zu sozialen Reformen geführt. Trotz aller Kritik an Verfahren und Institutionen ist die brasilianische Demokratie gefestigt, wie die Wahlen im Oktober 2010 erneut bestätigt haben. Erstmals wurde mit Dilma Rousseff eine Frau zur Staatspräsidentin gewählt. Der Autor beschreibt in seinem Beitrag Brasiliens politisches System. Er erörtert dessen Aufbau, die besonderen Problemlagen sowie die maßgeblichen Akteure samt ihren Befugnissen und Handlungsspielräumen. Zunächst werden die Exekutive und die Judikative kurz umrissen, danach folgen Ausführungen zu den Strukturen der Legislative sowie zur Gesetzgebung. Abschließend werden das Wahlsystem, die Parteien sowie Rolle und Einfluss der Interessengruppen dargestellt. Eine weitere Besonderheit ist der föderale politische Handlungsrahmen: Politik vollzieht sich auf nationaler, bundesstaatlicher und kommunaler Ebene und bringt so einen Abstimmungsbedarf mit sich." (Autorenreferat)