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Cover -- Half Title -- Series Page -- Title Page -- Copyright Page -- Table of Contents -- List of illustrations -- The Contributors -- Introduction -- 1. Portuguese Democracy at 50 -- 2. European Misfit: The Portuguese Economy after EU Membership -- 3. Social Movements and Political Protests in Portugal during and after the Austerity Crisis -- 4. European Economic Narratives and the Emergence of a European Public Sphere in Portugal: An Analysis of National Mainstream Newspapers -- 5. Presidents and Governments in Portugal: Variations on a Constitutional Theme (2008-2022) -- 6. Patterns of Ministerial Recruitment, Partisanship and Financial Crisis -- 7. Continuity and Change in Portuguese Politics: Towards a more Polarized Party System? -- 8. The Populist Radical Right in 21st-Century Portugal -- 9. Cultural and Religious Diversity in Portugal -- 10. Portuguese Foreign Policy and Crisis Diplomacy in a Period of German Hegemony: Bandwagoning or Soft Balancing? -- 11. Portugal's Role in the EU since 2007: Small State or Equal Partner? -- 12. Portuguese Participation in the EU PESCO and NATO as an Interoperability Hub -- Index.

Abstract
Military occupation is the maximum level of political intervention based on coercion, but even under Axis rule, the institutional design of dictatorships by their 'collaborationist' elites was influenced by different models and political families. Military occupation opened a window of opportunity for the takeover of power by different segments of authoritarian and fascist elites, and the tension and forced pacts between different projects of dictatorial institutionalizations were a clear sign of this dynamic process. This article examines how the complicated relationship between the radical right, authoritarian conservatives and fascists were present in the institutional crafting of new regimes.

As an authoritarian 'gravity centre' in the interwar period, the Portuguese New State was not the product of strong propaganda or power capacity. Its force of attraction derived, essentially, from having an international means of diffusion: important segments of the Catholic Church's organizations, its associated intellectual politicians, and particularly from having led a corporatist and authoritarian political system model. How and why did Salazar's New State inspire some of the new political institutions proposed by radical right-wing elites or created by many of these regimes? This article tackles this issue by adopting a transnational and comparative research approach, paying particular attention to the primary mediators of its diffusion and analyzing institutional reform processes in selected processes of crises and transitions to authoritarianism in Latin America.

This article analyses the composition and modes of recruitment of Salazar's ministerial elite during the 'fascist era'. The main characteristics of the Estado Novo's governing elite was that it belonged to a small and exclusive political and bureaucratic class
that almost completely dominated the senior ranks of the armed forces, the senior administration, and the universities - within which the legal profession was strongly represented. Salazar's single party, being kept organizationally weak and dependent, was never an important element
in either the political decision-making process or in the selection of the ministerial elite.

Awareness of the interaction between the single party, the government, the State apparatus and civil society appears fundamental if we are to achieve an understanding of the different ways in which the various dictatorships of the fascist era functioned. The party and its ancillary
organisations were not simply parallel institutions: they attempted to gain control of the bureaucracy and select the governing elite – forcing some dictatorships towards an unstable equilibrium in the process, even while they were the central agents for the creation and maintenance
of the leader's charismatic authority. These articles focus on an analysis of the gradations of these tensions, that may be illustrated by the eventual emergence of a weaker or stronger 'dualism of power' that appears to be the determining factor in explanations for the typological
and classificatory variations used to qualify those dictatorships that have been historically associated with fascism and which have been variously defined as 'authoritarian' and 'totalitarian', or as 'authoritarian' and 'fascist'. It is in this
perspective that we will study three dictatorships that have each been associated with European fascism: Portuguese Salazarism, Spanish Francoism and Italian Fascism.

In October 1910 a revolution drove out the king of Portugal and established the Portuguese Republic. In 1926 a military coup overthrew the parliamentary system and led to the authoritarian regime of Salazar, but in April 1974 a revolution led by the military restored the parliamentary republic. In this book edited by Richard Herr (Berkeley) and António Costa Pinto (Lisbon), eighteen Portuguese and American authors present essays in celebration of the centennial of the Portuguese Republic. With a review of its course and needs for the future, they offer an assessment of accomplishments of the two periods of the republic, the nature of republican institutions, the role of women in politics and letters, and the republic's social, economic, religious, and environmental policies. Much thought has gone into analyzing the two revolutions, the challenge of an authoritarian tradition, and the difficulties posed for establishing a workable parliamentary government with a democratic suffrage.

UID/CPO/04627/2013 ; Driven primarily by political concerns to secure democracy, Portugal's accession to the EU in 1986 also served as a catalyst for dynamic economic development following a complex process of democratization and the decolonization of Europe's last empire. This book analyses how the European Union has helped shape the political process in Portugal on key institutions, elites, and its citizen's attitudes. ; publishersversion ; published

"Die Einstellungen der Portugiesen zur EU sind deutlich positiv, sowohl aus affektiver als auch aus instrumenteller Sicht. Doch der portugiesische Konsens basiert im Gegensatz zum Rest der EU stärker auf dem engeren instrumentellen Blickwinkel als auf der weiter reichenden Wahrnehmung der EU als 'einer guten Sache'." (Autorenreferat)