Based on the recurring questions about sources of foreign policy, this article analyses the influence of Mexico's economic and political model in its policy towards Latin America by firstly examining the foreign policy proposals of Vicente Fox's, Felipe Calderón's and Enrique Peña Nieto's governments, and secondly, its congruence and legitimacy regarding free trade, and democracy and human rights. This work argues and concludes that Mexico's policies, internal and foreign, have been consistent, although not completely so in the political sphere. This congruence does not solve the problem of legitimacy in foreign policy, but suggests that foreign policy has not been illegitimate either. ; Teniendo como punto de partida la pregunta recurrente sobre las causas (fuentes) de política exterior, este artículo analiza la influencia del modelo económico y político de México en su política exterior hacia América Latina. Después de examinar las propuestas de política exterior de los gobiernos de Vicente Fox, Felipe Calderón y Enrique Peña Nieto, el trabajo analiza la congruencia y la legitimidad de esa política en el ámbito económico –con énfasis en el libre comercio– y político –destacando la democracia y los derechos humanos–. Argumenta y concluye que hay congruencia entre política interna y exterior en ambos casos, aunque no total en el político. Esto, sin embargo, no resuelve la cuestión de la legitimidad de la política exterior, pero apunta a que no puede hablarse de su ilegitimidad.
Historically, relations between Brazil and Mexico have not been particularly close. One of the consequences of Brazil's rise was to draw the two countries together, although not necessarily in a harmonious way. The article argues that Mexican governments resented Brazil's attempts at becoming a global player at a time when they pursued the same goal. Mexico's response to Brazil's international projection was to approach it, trying to contain it, and to avoid exclusion from regional initiatives.
The author compares Vicente Fox's (2000-2006) & Luis Echeverria's (1970-1976) foreign policies, both considered as "active" policies. After analyzing the two governments' stance concerning the economy & the international system, on the one hand, & democracy & human rights, on the other, Covarrubias identifies what can be deemed as an "active" foreign policy, & which variables -- domestic or international -- were more influential for its formulation. In both cases, the international context was decisive as it laid out the foreign policy agenda. However, the how & when Mexico's international endeavors would be included as priorities were more clearly shaped by domestic issues. the different stances, & therefore generating a foreign policy that may reflect Mexican people preferences & concerns. Adapted from the source document.
This article argues that the concept of entrepreneurial state is useful for analyzing Mexican foreign policy during recent decades. It argues that Mexico has behaved as an entrepreneurial state, following a limited foreign policy agenda to address national priorities, with important restrictions in terms of resources and agency, but seeking to obtain international recognition as a relevant global player that has influence on world affairs. This entrepreneurial behaviour is analyzed in Mexico's participation in international organizations (UN) and negotiations (climate change), mini-lateral mechanisms (MIKTA), and regional affairs (Central and Latin America). These cases show that, due to its limited capacities and agency, but its desire to become a relevant regional and global player to advance its national interest, Mexico has created coalitions with like-minded countries, pursued limited but domestically relevant global objectives, and invested its scarce foreign policy resources in an entrepreneurial manner.