Suchergebnisse

Cover -- Contents -- List of Figures -- List of Tables -- Foreword: The Malay Archipelago Revisited by Michael R. Dove -- Preface -- 1. Models of Change -- A point of departure -- The origins of order -- A clock that keeps good time -- Neutral drift -- Nonlinear systems -- Triggers for nonlinear transitions -- Complex adaptive systems -- Discovering islands of order -- Conclusion -- 2. Discovering Austronesia -- Introduction -- Dubois' remarkable discovery -- The first migration of modern humans -- The second migration: Austronesians -- Surprises in the data -- The toolkits: Population genetics and kinship -- The implications of matrilocality -- First model: Sex bias and language replacement -- Why the barrier in Wallacea? -- Second model: Demographic skew -- Generations of butterfly effects -- Conclusion -- 3. Dominance, Selection, and Neutrality -- Introduction -- Selection for dominance? -- The meek shall inherit. . . -- Neutral tests and the neutral theory: From genetics to ecology -- Transience and time scales: Baby names -- Transience and time scales: Potsherds and archaeology -- Conclusion -- 4. Language and Kinship in Deep Time -- Return to Wehali -- Cophylogenies of languages and genes -- The implications of host switching -- Kinship and language transmission -- Language and kinship in deep time -- Zooming in to the community scale -- Conclusion -- 5. Islands of Cooperation -- Prelude: How Bali became Bali -- Introduction -- Terracing volcanoes -- Ecology of the rice terraces -- A cooperation game -- Testing the game-theoretical model -- An agent-based model of the coupled system -- Conclusion -- 6. Adaptive Self-Organized Criticality -- Mosaics and power laws -- Universal Bali: A lattice model -- Results of the lattice model -- Comparison with satellite imagery -- Why power laws? -- Conclusion -- 7. Transition Paths -- Introduction.

At least since the Neolithic, humans have largely lived in networks of small, traditional communities. Often socially isolated, these groups evolved distinct languages and cultures over microgeographic scales of just tens of kilometers. Population genetic theory tells us that genetic drift should act quickly in such isolated groups, thus raising the question: do networks of small human communitiesmaintain levels of genetic diversity over microgeographic scales? This question can no longer be asked in most parts of the world, which have been heavily impacted by historical events that make traditional society structures the exception. However, such studies remain possible in parts of Island Southeast Asia and Oceania, where traditional ways of life are still practiced. We captured genome-wide genetic data, together with linguistic records, for a case-study system-eight villages distributed across Sumba, a small, remote island in eastern Indonesia. More than 4,000 years after these communities were established during the Neolithic period, most speak different languages and can be distinguished genetically. Yet their nuclear diversity is not reduced, instead being comparable to other, evenmuch larger, regional groups. Modeling reveals a separation of time scales: while languages and culture can evolve quickly, creating social barriers, sporadic migration averaged over many generations is sufficient to keep villages linked genetically. This loosely-connected network structure, once the global norm and still extant on Sumba today, provides a living proxy to explore fine-scale genome dynamics in the sort of small traditional communities within which the most recent episodes of human evolution occurred. ; Nanyang Technological University; Singapore Ministry of Education; Royal Society of New Zealand [RDF-10-MAU-001]; NEFREX - European Union [318979] ; Open access. ; This item from the UA Faculty Publications collection is made available by the University of Arizona with support from the University of Arizona Libraries. If you have questions, please contact us at repository@u.library.arizona.edu.

AbstractTheories of early cooperation in human society often draw from a small sample of ethnographic studies of surviving populations of hunter–gatherers, most of which are now sedentary. Borneo hunter–gatherers (Punan, Penan) have seldom figured in comparative research because of a decades-old controversy about whether they are the descendants of farmers who adopted a hunting and gathering way of life. In 2018 we began an ethnographic study of a group of still-nomadic hunter–gatherers who call themselves Punan Batu (Cave Punan). Our genetic analysis clearly indicates that they are very unlikely to be the descendants of neighbouring agriculturalists. They also preserve a song language that is unrelated to other languages of Borneo. Dispersed travelling groups of Punan Batu with fluid membership use message sticks to stay in contact, co-operate and share resources as they journey between rock shelters and forest camps. Message sticks were once widespread among nomadic Punan in Borneo, but have largely disappeared in sedentary Punan villages. Thus the small community of Punan Batu offers a rare glimpse of a hunting and gathering way of life that was once widespread in the forests of Borneo, where prosocial behaviour extended beyond the face-to-face community, facilitating successful collective adaptation to the diverse resources of Borneo's forests.