Suchergebnisse

The reception of refugees and migrants depends on the capacity of European states, regions and localities to respond to the double challenge of providing help for the first months they arrive and sustaining a long-term process in an often-heated political confrontation. Although the long-term effects are not always conclusive, national policies and local initiatives can achieve some results. Nation states have agreed on procedures and mechanisms for an equitable redistribution of refugees and cities and localities have implemented programmes and interventions for receiving and promoting the insertion of migrants.However, evidence of the geographical structure of waves of migrants and refugees is not evident due to structural constraints. Flows and routes keep changing due to the hazards of international relations; the capacity of absorbing the incoming population of refugees depending largely on policy trade-offs and political interdependencies.What is clear is that the geography of foreign-born residents, migrants and refugees do not overlap, the location choice of refugees being particularly constrained by national policy-frames. A need arises of a better understanding of the local variations and issues of the different policy responses and success stories.Geography, spatial strategies and types of cities profoundly shape the distribution of arrivals, the transit routes, and destination hubs, creating a local overburden of the policies related to reception and integration of migrants. The economic performance and demographic dynamic of regions may appear as determinant factors that influence the absorption capacity of localities (MIGRARE, 2019, pp. 35-65; pp. 99-100). Yet, some localities, often small municipalities, engage positively in the reception of refugees in less performing regions. In that respect, case studies and qualitative analysis from MIGRATUP (2018, pp. 48-49) in line with the literature on the subject, suggest that the reception of migrants and refugees may provide positive economic impact to ...

The reception of refugees and migrants depends on the capacity of European states, regions and localities to respond to the double challenge of providing help for the first months they arrive and sustaining a long-term process in an often-heated political confrontation. Although the long-term effects are not always conclusive, national policies and local initiatives can achieve some results. Nation states have agreed on procedures and mechanisms for an equitable redistribution of refugees and cities and localities have implemented programmes and interventions for receiving and promoting the insertion of migrants.However, evidence of the geographical structure of waves of migrants and refugees is not evident due to structural constraints. Flows and routes keep changing due to the hazards of international relations; the capacity of absorbing the incoming population of refugees depending largely on policy trade-offs and political interdependencies.What is clear is that the geography of foreign-born residents, migrants and refugees do not overlap, the location choice of refugees being particularly constrained by national policy-frames. A need arises of a better understanding of the local variations and issues of the different policy responses and success stories.Geography, spatial strategies and types of cities profoundly shape the distribution of arrivals, the transit routes, and destination hubs, creating a local overburden of the policies related to reception and integration of migrants. The economic performance and demographic dynamic of regions may appear as determinant factors that influence the absorption capacity of localities (MIGRARE, 2019, pp. 35-65; pp. 99-100). Yet, some localities, often small municipalities, engage positively in the reception of refugees in less performing regions. In that respect, case studies and qualitative analysis from MIGRATUP (2018, pp. 48-49) in line with the literature on the subject, suggest that the reception of migrants and refugees may provide positive economic impact to ...

The reception of refugees and migrants depends on the capacity of European states, regions and localities to respond to the double challenge of providing help for the first months they arrive and sustaining a long-term process in an often-heated political confrontation. Although the long-term effects are not always conclusive, national policies and local initiatives can achieve some results. Nation states have agreed on procedures and mechanisms for an equitable redistribution of refugees and cities and localities have implemented programmes and interventions for receiving and promoting the insertion of migrants.However, evidence of the geographical structure of waves of migrants and refugees is not evident due to structural constraints. Flows and routes keep changing due to the hazards of international relations; the capacity of absorbing the incoming population of refugees depending largely on policy trade-offs and political interdependencies.What is clear is that the geography of foreign-born residents, migrants and refugees do not overlap, the location choice of refugees being particularly constrained by national policy-frames. A need arises of a better understanding of the local variations and issues of the different policy responses and success stories.Geography, spatial strategies and types of cities profoundly shape the distribution of arrivals, the transit routes, and destination hubs, creating a local overburden of the policies related to reception and integration of migrants. The economic performance and demographic dynamic of regions may appear as determinant factors that influence the absorption capacity of localities (MIGRARE, 2019, pp. 35-65; pp. 99-100). Yet, some localities, often small municipalities, engage positively in the reception of refugees in less performing regions. In that respect, case studies and qualitative analysis from MIGRATUP (2018, pp. 48-49) in line with the literature on the subject, suggest that the reception of migrants and refugees may provide positive economic impact to ...

Migration generates both challenges and opportunities. The magnitude of flows and effects on local resources are rarely equally distributed, indeed, the demographic size and economic strength of arrival cities or regions consistently affect outcomes. The nature of these challenges and opportunities is, therefore, extremely varied. These elements have already structured a network of places, refugee-cities, integration hubs, and transit points that play different roles in the increasing process of human mobility. The paper discusses the role of planners in dealing with refugee crises starting from the experience of a university workshop. This allows for a plea in favour of a different approach to planning, one that insists on practice, spatial strategies, and implementation. The paper also illustrates a different teaching approach that takes into account the need to integrate different forms of knowledge and disciplinary perspectives.

The collection of studies published by Routledge (PMJ17) and the special section of the RSA journal Territory, Politics, Governance (PMJ16), both edited by Pinson and Morel Journel, jointly aim to analyse how the scientific literature on cities has dealt with neoliberalism and the neoliberalisation process.On one side, neoliberal urbanism is an epochal turning point, a new model for cities' development.The global urbanism of new cities in emergent countries – like Masdar, Songdo, Gurgaon (Sidewalk Toronto as a proxy) – is seemingly its herald. The spreading mantra of entrepreneurialism, competitiveness and smartness seems tangibly embodied by these new models.

The collection of studies published by Routledge (PMJ17) and the special section of the RSA journal Territory, Politics, Governance (PMJ16), both edited by Pinson and Morel Journel, jointly aim to analyse how the scientific literature on cities has dealt with neoliberalism and the neoliberalisation process.On one side, neoliberal urbanism is an epochal turning point, a new model for cities' development.The global urbanism of new cities in emergent countries – like Masdar, Songdo, Gurgaon (Sidewalk Toronto as a proxy) – is seemingly its herald. The spreading mantra of entrepreneurialism, competitiveness and smartness seems tangibly embodied by these new models.

The collection of studies published by Routledge (PMJ17) and the special section of the RSA journal Territory, Politics, Governance (PMJ16), both edited by Pinson and Morel Journel, jointly aim to analyse how the scientific literature on cities has dealt with neoliberalism and the neoliberalisation process.On one side, neoliberal urbanism is an epochal turning point, a new model for cities' development.The global urbanism of new cities in emergent countries – like Masdar, Songdo, Gurgaon (Sidewalk Toronto as a proxy) – is seemingly its herald. The spreading mantra of entrepreneurialism, competitiveness and smartness seems tangibly embodied by these new models.

Le città dell'America del Sud sono sempre state in qualche modo lontane dalle coste della modernità. Questa riluttanza verso la modernizzazione ha ragioni storiche, poiché gli approcci moderni hanno sempre manifestato sentimenti confusi e a volte contraddittori nei confronti dell'eredità architettonica. Questo processo incompiuto di modernizzazione economica ha radici profonde nella geopolitica del capitalismo del XIX secolo e nei recenti modelli di sviluppo dipendente. Spesso però studiosi provenienti da background diversi hanno sottolineato traiettorie originali di crescita e socializzazione urbana; fra questi un esempio interessante può essere quello dell'idea di «porosità» evidenziata da Walter Benjamin. Alcune caratteristiche di questo complesso rapporto diventano evidenti nel contesto della 'modernità periferica' di Buenos Aires. La griglia razionale delle strade viene messa in risalto dal caos dei singoli isolati. Infrastrutture moderne hanno spazzato via parti della città senza però riuscire ad imporre un nuovo ordine. Perfino i recenti sviluppi neoliberali sono stati ibridati da concorrenti sforzi in funzione dell'implementazione. L'intervento intende discutere gli sviluppi e le politiche urbane come casi concreti di ibridazione, prendendo liberamente in prestito l'immagine di Latour secondo cui «(le città) non sono mai state moderne». Cities in South America have always been somehow far away from modernity. This reluctance has historical reasons, since modern approaches show confused and sometimes opposed feelings towards the architectural heritage. The unfinished process of the economic modernization is deeply rooted in the geopolitics of 19th century capitalism and in the later models of dependent development. Quite often, however, scholars with different backgrounds have underlined original patterns of urban growth and socialization, the porosity noted by Benjamin being just one of the possible examples. The context of the 'peripheral modernity' of Buenos Aires makes some features of this complex connection evident. The rational grid of the streets stands out against the chaos of the blocks. Modern infrastructures have brushed off ample parts of the city, failing to impose a new order. Even recent neoliberal developments were hybridized by concurrent concerns in the process of implementation. The essay aims to discuss urban developments and policies as cases of practical hybrids, freely borrowing Latour's image that «(cities) have never been modern».

L'origine di questo saggio sorge dalla domanda se le città siano mai state moderne; e in particolare, che tipo di modernità le riguardi. In modo simile al noto saggio di Latour, la risposta viene cercata in due dimensio­ni: nel rapporto tra spazio e natura, e in quello tra cittadinanza e società. Lo sfondo di questo interrogativo riguarda la critica al programma di 'purificazione' che il modernismo – sia in urbanistica che in architettura – ha interpretato con convinzione, quasi con ferocia, nei riguardi appunto della natura e della società. Questa domanda è trattata esaminando Buenos Aires, città moderna spesso presa ad esempio di come il modello moderno della città euro­pea sia stato capace di riprodursi in altre condizioni. L'angolatura che si utilizza, a fronte della vastità del tema, è invece volutamente ristretta al ruolo che la 'forma' della città esercita sulle condizioni sociali2; ancora in modo più ristretto, alla forma della pianta urbana disegnata dalle strade che fonda la distinzione tra spazio pubblico e privato, un'ulteriore ma non arbitraria semplificazione. Inutile ricordare quanto la forma della città sia di interesse per chi si occupa di storia urbana. La preoccupazione qui è più limitata e riguarda quali effetti politici risultino dalle diverse forme assunte dall'organizzazione dello spazio3. Anche questo, non sorprende, è un costante interrogativo dell'urbanistica e delle scienze sociali, al quale sono state date nel tempo risposte molto diverse. [Primi paragrafi]