Suchergebnisse

Acknowledgements -- Segregation then and now -- Historical roots of segregation and the need for a new lens -- Patterns and consequences of segregation -- The structural sorting perspective -- A new lens on segregation -- Social networks : the social part of the theory -- From what I see : the context part of the theory -- Residential stratification and the decision-making process -- Revisiting the traditional theories through the structural sorting perspective -- The structural sorting perspective on the role of economics factors -- The structural sorting perspective on the role of preferences -- The structural sorting perspective on the role of discrimination -- Implications -- Policies to redress the cycle of segregation -- New approaches to understanding segregation -- Appendix tables -- Notes -- References -- Index.

In this article we describe the considerable influence of the Panel Study of Income Dynamics (PSID) on research on residential migration, mobility, and neighborhood attainment, as well as the role of PSID-based research in housing policy debates. We review some of the central research findings and key discoveries that have come from analyses that have used the PSID. We then present new research, using PSID data that are linked to geographic data, to demonstrate how geographic moves are associated with changes in neighborhood poverty rates. The relationship differs markedly for blacks and whites, and our results add to a body of work that shows sharp racial differences in residential context, and the role that personal migration plays in shaping this stratification. Finally, we use these findings and the shortcomings of past research to prescribe ways that the PSID could be enhanced to understand more about migration dynamics and processes of residential stratification.

This study describes the spatial and racial variations in housing foreclosure during the recent housing crisis. Using data on the 9.5 million visible foreclosures (public auctions and bank repossessions) occurring between 2005 and 2012, we show that the timing and depth of the foreclosure crisis differed considerably across regions and metropolitan areas, with those located in the Mountain and Pacific West regions experiencing the highest foreclosure risks. The crisis was patterned sharply along racial/ethnic lines, with metros and neighborhoods with large black and Latino populations—as well as racially mixed neighborhoods—having high rates of foreclosure. Our analysis also highlights the particular vulnerability of Latino households, who not only had very high individual risk of foreclosures but tended to reside in areas hit hardest by the crisis. The race-stratified geographic patterns of foreclosure revealed here are substantially more complicated than a narrative that depicts only the unique disadvantage of black households during the crisis, and likely reflect some level of specific targeting of minority populations and neighborhoods by predatory and subprime lenders.

We provide new evidence on two hypotheses associated with the model of the city as a growth machine. The first posits the pervasive influence of pro‐growth coalitions in local governing regimes. The second asserts that growth regimes make a difference to local development. Census data from 1980 and 1990 and data from a survey of community leaders in nearly 300 incorporated suburban communities are used to assess these hypotheses. In support of the first hypothesis, we find that pro‐growth coalitions represent by far the most common type of political regime, but are less likely to dominate the local politics of higher‐status communities. The type of regime prevailing in a suburb has a significant impact on the growth‐related policies adopted by the community. However, there is no evidence that either growth policy or the type of political regime significantly influences changes in population size, racial composition, or median income of these suburbs. These results cast doubt on the assumed efficacy of local growth policies and raise additional questions regarding the impacts of extra‐local factors in the development of suburban municipalities.

Case studies have illuminated that U.S. real estate agents, as key housing market gatekeepers, continue to maintain racial residential stratification well into the twenty-first century. We use novel survey data gathered from real estate agents across the United States to descriptively explore agents' ideas about clients of color in the housing market, as well as their practices, such as conducting business through social networks. Our findings provide evidence of the subtle and more overt ways that these ideas and practices that, when taken together, constitute what we call racialized real estate agency and contribute to ongoing racial segregation. We issue a call for future research to continue examining the ways agents' and other gatekeepers' ideas and practices contribute to or mitigate stratifying processes and describe the utility of such research for policy.

Focusing on micro-level processes of residential segregation, this analysis combines data from the Panel Study of Income Dynamics with contextual information from three censuses and several other sources to examine patterns of residential mobility between neighborhoods populated by different combinations of racial and ethnic groups. We find that despite the emergence of multiethnic neighborhoods, stratified mobility dynamics continue to dominate, with relatively few black or white households moving into neighborhoods that could be considered multiethnic. However, we also find that the tendency for white and black households to move between neighborhoods dominated by their own group varies significantly across metropolitan areas. Black and white households' mobility into more integrated neighborhoods is shaped substantially by demographic, economic, political, and spatial features of the broader metropolitan area. Metropolitan-area racial composition, the stock of new housing, residential separation of black and white households, poverty rates, and functional specialization emerge as particularly important predictors. These macro-level effects reflect opportunities for intergroup residential contact as well as structural forces that maintain residential segregation.

Focusing on micro-level processes of residential segregation, this analysis combines data from the Panel Study of Income Dynamics with contextual information from three censuses and several other sources to examine patterns of residential mobility between neighborhoods populated by different combinations of racial and ethnic groups. We find that despite the emergence of multiethnic neighborhoods, stratified mobility dynamics continue to dominate, with relatively few black or white households moving into neighborhoods that could be considered multiethnic. However, we also find that the tendency for white and black households to move between neighborhoods dominated by their own group varies significantly across metropolitan areas. Black and white households' mobility into more integrated neighborhoods is shaped substantially by demographic, economic, political, and spatial features of the broader metropolitan area. Metropolitan-area racial composition, the stock of new housing, residential separation of black and white households, poverty rates, and functional specialization emerge as particularly important predictors. These macro-level effects reflect opportunities for intergroup residential contact as well as structural forces that maintain residential segregation.

Using data from the 1981, 1991, and 2001 waves of the Panel Study of Income Dynamics and several decennial censuses, we examine how characteristics of metropolitan areas are associated with black and white households' neighborhood racial composition. Results from hierarchical linear models show that about 20% to 40% of the variation in the percentage of households' tract population that is non-Hispanic white or non-Hispanic black exists across metropolitan areas. Over time, white households' exposure to non-Hispanic white neighbors has declined, and their exposure to non-Hispanic black neighbors has increased; the reverse trends are observed for blacks. These trends cannot be attributed to changes in the ecological structure of metropolitan areas. Blacks have fewer white neighbors in large metropolitan areas containing sizable minority populations, and blacks have more white neighbors in metropolitan areas with high government employment. Whites have more black neighbors in metropolitan areas with high levels of government employment and ample new housing; whites have fewer black neighbors in metropolitan areas with a high level of municipal fragmentation. The association between metropolitan-area percentage black and tract percentage black is weaker among whites than among blacks, suggesting that whites are especially motivated to self-segregate in metropolitan areas with large black populations.