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The context for this paper is the rise of populism across the UK, Europe and the US, a trend which is sweeping western liberal capitalist democracies in particular but also beyond in countries such as Turkey. Populism is used primarily as a derogatory label to demean the poor, working class groups and people with low educational attainment, as not having the experience or capacity to make wise decisions. In the UK this has led to demands for a second referendum on leaving Europe because the 'will of the people' was manipulated. It is also claimed that Parliament is sovereign so the decision to exit Europe should be made by its members who are better informed and can legitimately overturn the referendum decision. On the other hand, demagogues of the far right who led campaigns of disinformation and thinly veiled racist vocabulary to sway the Brexit result champion the 'will of the people' in disingenuous ways. If we widen our lens, there are also examples of progressive populist politics in Europe, such as Podemos in Spain, which are indicative of a counter-trend to the neoliberal model of globalization. Whilst populism is mainly used as a derogatory label, it can also be framed progressively as a response of the powerless, the poor and the ignored reacting to the limits of liberal democratic institutions in the current context. The election of Trump in the US and the Brexit result in the UK can be understood in these terms too. The repressed, overlooked or denigrated by the political and media elite, have responded at the only opportunity available to them. At the same time, the kind of social purpose adult education which aimed to engage with people in communities, on their own terms, has withered as neoliberal forms of lifelong learning and citizenship transform educational practices into 'remoralising' citizens to take care of themselves. In this context adult education and democracy are in crises. However, both crises can be turned towards generating productive synergies which adult educators need to connect with. This presentation seeks to explore and stimulate this debate. ; Članek je vpet v kontekst vzpona populizma v Združenem kraljestvu, Evropi in ZDA, trendu, ki se še posebej širi v zahodnih liberalnih kapitalističnih demokracijah, hkrati pa sega tudi drugam, na primer v Turčijo. Izraz populizem je v rabi predvsem kot slabšalna oznaka z namenom poniževanja revnih delavskih skupnosti in ljudi z nizko stopnjo izobrazbe, ki naj ne bi imeli niti izkušenj niti sposobnosti za preudarno odločanje. V Združenem kraljestvu je to manipuliranje z »ljudsko voljo« vodilo do zahteve po drugem referendumu o izstopu iz Evrope. Hkrati se pojavljajo trditve, da naj bi o izstopu odločali člani parlamenta, ki so bolj poučeni in lahko upravičeno ovržejo referendumsko odločitev. Po drugi strani pa demagogi skrajne desnice, ki so vodili kampanjo dezinformacij in prikrito rasističnega diskurza, da bi vplivali na rezultat brexita, varljivo podpirajo »ljudsko voljo«. Če pogledamo širše, opazimo tudi primere progresivne populistične politike v Evropi, na primer Podemos v Španiji, ki nakazujejo nasprotni trend neoliberalnemu modelu globalizacije. Populizem, sicer večinoma uporabljen kot slabšalna oznaka, v progresivnem okviru označuje odziv nemočnih, revnih in prezrtih na omejenost liberalnodemokratičnih institucij v sodobnem kontekstu. Izvolitev Trumpa in rezultat britanskega referenduma lahko razumemo tudi v tem smislu. Zatrti, spregledani ali očrnjeni s strani politične in medijske elite so se odzvali ob edini priložnosti, ki jim je bila na voljo. Tisti družbeni element izobraževanja odraslih, usmerjen k povezovanju z ljudmi v skupnostih, pod njihovimi pogoji, je zamrl, neoliberalne oblike vseživljenjskega učenja in državljanstva pa so preoblikovale izobraževalne prakse v »remoraliziranje«, da naj državljani skrbijo sami zase. V tem kontekstu sta tako izobraževanje odraslih kot demokracija v krizi. Vendar pa je obe krizi možno usmeriti k ustvarjanju produktivnih sinergij, čemur se morajo pridružiti izobraževalci odraslih. Namen tega prispevka je raziskati in spodbuditi to razpravo.

In 2016 the Scottish Government produced its Fairer Scotland Action Plan which built on a number of Fairer Scotland conversations. This response specifically addresses the Action Plan as it relates to furthering democratic life in Scotland, which was one of its primary objectives. During the process of consultation which led up to the action plan, 'public involvement in democracy was one of the most talked about issues in the conversation. There was a call for local people to play a part in decisions that affect them and their communities.' (p12) The other aspects to this demand for democratic change was in relation to how public services relate to people's needs and access issues particularly for rural communities. Whilst it is good to see the Scottish Government engage in this type of constructive consultative exercise and follow it up with specific proposals the response to the 'most talked about issue' is woefully inadequate.

In 2014 the issue of constitutional change in the UK brought about by an agreement between the UK and Scottish Government, for a referendum on Scottish independence, created the motivation for widespread political engagement with the formal political process. Scottish citizens - including newly enfranchised 16 and 17 year olds - were debating, discussing and disagreeing about opting out of one of the world's richest countries. This was an unusual situation and one that nearly happened despite a hostile corporate, political and mainstream media response to the demand for independence. It would be a mistake, however, to assume that this movement for change was the result of narrow-minded nationalism. Although the Referendum result was that Scotland should remain in the UK the process also produced widespread politicization of ordinary people. The cultural politics of communities had engaged with the political culture of the state and the dialectic between the two generated educational experiences and opened up new political possibilities. ; Durante el 2014 la propuesta de cambio constitucional en el Reino Unido, surgida por un acuerdo entre los gobiernos de Londres y de Edimburgo para la realización de un referéndum sobre la independencia de Escocia, motivó e hizo aumentar el compromiso político. Los ciudadanos de Escocia - incluyendo con derecho a voto a las personas 16 y 17 años de edad - estuvieron debatiendo, discutiendo y divergiendo sobre la necesidad de salir voluntariamente o no, de uno de los países más ricos del mundo. Una situación inusual, que se dio a pesar de la respuesta hostil de los medios oficiales y políticos a la demanda de independencia. Siendo un error calificar este movimiento de cambio como el resultado de un nacionalismo cerrado. Aunque el resultado del referéndum fue que Escocia permaneciera en el Reino Unido, el proceso también produjo la politización generalizada de la gente corriente. La cultura política de la comunidad se había comprometido con la cultura política del estado, de la dialéctica entre ambas se ha generado una experiencia educativa que ha abierto nuevas posibilidades políticas.

The juxtaposition of real and utopias in the title of the article draws attention to, on the one hand, the limitations and constraints within which radical educational initiatives have to work and, on the other, the systematic attempts to develop learning which goes beyond the limitations of the current context and works towards progressive social change. To illustrate the argument three examples, drawn from Spain, the USA and Scotland, are outlined because they illustrate the need to reassert a critical pedagogy that is a necessary condition for creating an educated and democratic community. ; La yuxtaposición de la realidad y de las utopías en el título del artículo llama la atención, por un lado, a las limitaciones y constreñimientos contra los que tienen que enfrentarse las iniciativas educativas, y, por el otro, los intentos sistemáticos para desarrollar aprendizaje que vaya más allá de las limitaciones del contexto actual, hacia un cambio social progresivo. Para ilustrar este argumento se muestran tres ejemplos, de España, Estados Unidos y Escocia, porque ilustran la necesidad de reafirmar una pedagogía crítica que es una condición necesaria para crear una comunidad educada y democrática.

Democracy faces two key threats today. The first is evident in the growth of authoritarian, right-wing, populism which is evident in a number of European countries and beyond. The second has been the un- dermining of democratic life by neoliberalism. Liberal democracy has aided the latter by the separation of economics from politics and the focus on the individual at the expense of the public sector and the common good. At the same time, some of the virtues of liberal democracy – the separation of powers, for example – are threatened by authoritarianism. We argue the importance of a critical engagement with current versions of democracy by drawing on a more participatory and active democratic tradition. This has significant implications for how we view citizenship and citizenship education. The dominant ver- sion of citizenship education in Scotland and the UK (possibly in Europe too) embodies a 'minimalist' model of citizenship through a curriculum for taking personal responsibility. This is inadequate for the challenge democracy faces. We argue the need to ground citizenship education in more radical soil, to nurture a critically engaged and active citizenry capable of challenging the democratic threats of right- wing populism and neoliberal subjectivity. ; Demokracija se danes sooča z dvema glavnima grožnjama. Prva je očitna, to je vzpon avtoritarnega desnega populizma, ki ga vidimo v številnih evropskih in drugih državah. Druga grožnja je spodkopavanje demokratičnega življenja prek neoliberalizma. Temu pomaga liberalna demokracija z ločevanjem ekonomije od politike in z osredotočanjem na posameznika na račun javnega sektorja in javnega dobrega. Hkrati so pod udarom avtoritarnosti nekatere kreposti liberalne demokracije – na primer ločitev oblasti na tri veje. V članku zagovarjamo pomen kritičnega angažmaja v sodobnih različicah demokracije, tako da pri tem črpamo iz bolj participativne in aktivne demokratične tradicije. Takšno delovanje ima pomembne posledice za to, kako vidimo državljanstvo in državljansko vzgojo. Dominantna različica državljanske vzgoje na Škotskem in v Veliki Britaniji (morda tudi v Evropi nasploh) pooseblja »minimalistični « model državljanstva, kjer učni načrt poudarja osebno odgovornost. Ta koncept ne zadostuje za izzive, s katerimi se danes sooča demokracija. Trdimo, da moramo državljansko vzgojo presaditi v radikalnejši prostor, ki bo odprl pot za kritično angažiranje in aktivne državljane, kakršni se bodo znali spopasti z desnimi grožnjami demokraciji in neoliberalno subjektiviteto.

This article explores the cause and effects of the increased policy emphasis on work to support employability within the field of Adult and Community Education in Scotland. This exploration is conducted from a critical perspective to demonstrate how Neo-liberalism and New Manageri- alism are reshaping the purpose and practice of Adult and Community Edu- cation and shifting its emphasis from "learning to be" to "learning to earn". The way employability work is conceptualised will be critically examined to reveal how it can cut across what are perceived to be some of the core values and ethical commitments of Community Education such as empowerment, dialogue, and social constructivist approaches to knowledge and curriculum development. The concepts of hegemony and governmentality will be drawn on to reveal how practitioners are being shaped and disciplined by these neo liberal times and the accompanying technical rationality, potentially result- ing in the contradictory situation in which practitioners become answerable to two masters, one representing the logic of the market, and the other, the values and ethics of the profession. So to we shall conclude by arguing that Community and Adult educators need to develop a critical awareness of the effects of neo liberalism on education policy and practice so they can help people become aware of their agency and encourage their active contribute to the transformation of their social world based on their own interests, rather than working to adapt people to fit passively and uncritically into this exist- ing unequal one.

This article explores the cause and effects of the increased policy emphasis on work to support employability within the field of Adult and Community Education in Scotland. This exploration is conducted from a critical perspective to demonstrate how Neo-liberalism and New Manageri¬alism are reshaping the purpose and practice of Adult and Community Edu¬cation and shifting its emphasis from "learning to be" to "learning to earn". The way employability work is conceptualised will be critically examined to reveal how it can cut across what are perceived to be some of the core values and ethical commitments of Community Education such as empowerment, dialogue, and social constructivist approaches to knowledge and curriculum development. The concepts of hegemony and governmentality will be drawn on to reveal how practitioners are being shaped and disciplined by these neo liberal times and the accompanying technical rationality, potentially result¬ing in the contradictory situation in which practitioners become answerable to two masters, one representing the logic of the market, and the other, the values and ethics of the profession. So to we shall conclude by arguing that Community and Adult educators need to develop a critical awareness of the effects of neo liberalism on education policy and practice so they can help people become aware of their agency and encourage their active contribute to the transformation of their social world based on their own interests, rather than working to adapt people to fit passively and uncritically into this existing unequal one.

In the aftermath of the independence referendum of September 2014 we decided to conduct research on how people learned and educated themselves informally leading up to the vote. Given the range of information and issues people faced, particularly over the final six months of the process, hearing how people made sense of it all is clearly an area of interest – particularly for academics, community educators and politicians. Through an online survey conducted in December 2014, we asked people a series of questions to ascertain, amongst other things, how and where they gained information, how they interacted with that information and how they utilised social media (if they did so).

Der Beitrag befasst sich mit der Möglichkeit von Universitäten und Hochschullehrern, Prozesse des Demokratie-Lernens und der Aktivierung bürgerschaftlichen Engagements zu unterstützen. Es wird betont, dass gerade die Hochschulen wichtige intellektuelle und politische Ressourcen für unterprivilegierte Gruppen darstellen, die sonst wenig von höheren Bildungsinstitutionen profitieren. Die Autoren konzentrieren sich auf zwei Dimensionen: Zunächst geht es darum, das intellektuelle Kapital und die Forschungskapazitäten zu mobilisieren, um entsprechende Bildungsressourcen für das Erlernen von Demokratie and aktiver Bürgerschaft zu entwickeln. Zum anderen ist das Ziel, ein Bildungsnetzwerk zwischen Hochschullehrern und -forschern aufzubauen, deren Anliegen es ist, ihre wissenschaftlichen Bemühungen im Kampf für soziale Gerechtigkeit, Gleichheit und Demokratie einzusetzen. Beide Beispiele stehen für einen "bottom-up" Ansatz, der sich sowohl ideologisch als auch pädagogisch von dem im herrschenden Politikdiskurs vorherrschenden "top-down" Bildungsansatz unterscheidet. (ICH).

Building on the original Powerful Literacies first published in 2001, this new volume considers the new developments in theory, technology and policy that are having an impact on learning and teaching literacies, and links to the current policy context of lifelong learning, active citizenship and social inclusion by showing how learners can be positioned in ways that seek to enhance their control and autonomy