Suchergebnisse

In the first days of 2020, the nations of Europe could hardly imagine that their lives were going to change so drastically in a couple of months. SARS – Covid 19, aka coronavirus resulted in a great change in all societies on the globe. Most countries introduced a state of emergency and made restrictions on many aspects of people's lives. The present paper intends to give an overview of the measures that the Hungarian government has taken so far. For this purpose, it first analyses the legal background of state of emergency that would help understand the present situation. Secondly, it describes the measures taken, and finally it evaluates how the measures affect human rights, especially free movement, freedom of enterprise and free speech. ; W pierwszych dniach 2020 roku obywatele Europy nie mogli przypuszczać, że ich życie zmieni się aż tak drastycznie w ciągu kilku miesięcy. SARS-Covid 19, znany również jako koronawirus spowodował ogromne zmiany we wszystkich społeczeństwach na całym świecie. Większość krajów wprowadziła stan wyjątkowy i ograniczenia wielu aspektów ludzkiego życia. Celem niniejszego artykułu jest przedstawienie przeglądu działań, które rząd węgierski podjął do tej pory. W tym celu w pierwszej kolejności zostanie poddane analizie prawne tło wprowadzenia stanu wyjątkowego, aby pomóc w lepszym zrozumieniu obecnej sytuacji. Następnie przedstawiono podjęte środki, a na koniec oceniono, w jaki sposób środki te wpływają na prawa człowieka, zwłaszcza na swobodę przemieszczania się, prowadzenie działalności gospodarczej i wolność słowa.

In the first days of 2020, the nations of Europe could hardly imagine that their lives were going to change so drastically in a couple of months. SARS – Covid 19, aka coronavirus resulted in a great change in all societies on the globe. Most countries introduced a state of emergency and made restrictions on many aspects of people's lives. The present paper intends to give an overview of the measures that the Hungarian government has taken so far. For this purpose, it first analyses the legal background of state of emergency that would help understand the present situation. Secondly, it describes the measures taken, and finally it evaluates how the measures affect human rights, especially free movement, freedom of enterprise and free speech. ; W pierwszych dniach 2020 roku obywatele Europy nie mogli przypuszczać, że ich życie zmieni się aż tak drastycznie w ciągu kilku miesięcy. SARS-Covid 19, znany również jako koronawirus spowodował ogromne zmiany we wszystkich społeczeństwach na całym świecie. Większość krajów wprowadziła stan wyjątkowy i ograniczenia wielu aspektów ludzkiego życia. Celem niniejszego artykułu jest przedstawienie przeglądu działań, które rząd węgierski podjął do tej pory. W tym celu w pierwszej kolejności zostanie poddane analizie prawne tło wprowadzenia stanu wyjątkowego, aby pomóc w lepszym zrozumieniu obecnej sytuacji. Następnie przedstawiono podjęte środki, a na koniec oceniono, w jaki sposób środki te wpływają na prawa człowieka, zwłaszcza na swobodę przemieszczania się, prowadzenie działalności gospodarczej i wolność słowa.

The protection of human rights is one of the main obligations a state has in order to fulfill its duties. Therefore, the right of freedom of expression shall be protected, especially because it relates directly to the defense of the democratic of a society. Although there are different points of view regarding an issue, especially same-sex marriage, the state is obligated to stay neutral towards public opinions. Consequently, public opinions might end up transforming into hate speech which creates an even larger confrontation within people and the state. This is why, the state must establish fair limits for human rights. Finally, it is essential to understand that promoting tolerance is the most important aspect to safeguard the rights of people to freely speak their minds in order to exercise their right of freedom of speech. ; La protección de los derechos humanos es una de las principales obligaciones de un estado para que pueda satisfacer sus deberes. Es por esto que el derecho a la libertad de expresion debe ser protegido, especialmente porque se relaciona directamente con el amparo de la sociedad democrática. Tomando en cuenta que hay diferentes puntos de vista sobre un asunto, especialmente sobre el matrimonio de personas del mismo sexo, el estadp está obligado a mantener una posición neutral. Por lo tanto, la opinión pública se puede transformar en discursos de odio que generan aún mayor confrontación entre las personas y el estado. Es por esto que el estado debe establecer los límites necesarios al ejercicio de los derechos humanos. Finalmente, es esential entender que el promover la tolerancia es básico para salvaguardar el derecho de las personas a expresarse libremente para que así puedan ejercer sus derechos.

Throughout the world one can find two basic models of constitutional adjudication: the American and the Kelsenian ones. At first sight one could easily differentiate them with the mere fact that in the American model there is no separate constitutional court; constitutional adjudication is incorporated into the judicial system. The essay argues that the differentiation is more complicated. The base of distinction is not the existence of a constitutional court. The essay chooses a functional approach and analyses if the activity of constitutional adjudication is closer to the judicial branch or it is "negative legislation" as Kelsen originally thought. Such an approach requires the analysis of separation of powers and the competences of constitutional courts; especially the abstract law review and individual complaint. Hungary's new constitution changed the role of the constitutional court. The essay concludes that due to the changes the Hungarian system of constitution adjudication made a great step towards the American model from the Kelsenian one. ; Alrededor del mundo se pueden encontrar dos modelos básicos de adjudicación constitucional: el americano y el kelseniano. A primera vista se podría diferenciar fácilmente el uno del otro por el mero hecho de que en el modelo americano no hay una corte constitucional separada. La adjudicación constitucional está, así, incorporada en el propio sistema jurídico. Este trabajo propone que dicha diferenciación es más complicada de lo que parece y que el fundamento de distinción no es la existencia de una corte constitucional. Al seguir un enfoque funcional este trabajo busca, en cambio, analizar si la actividad de adjudicación constitucional es más cercana al poder judicial o bien es una "legislación negativa", tal como pensaba Kelsen. Este enfoque se articula en un análisis de la separación de poderes y competencias de las cortes constitucionales, especialmente a partir de dos nociones: la revisión abstracta del derecho y el reclamo individual. La nueva constitución de Hungría cambió el papel de la corte constitucional. Este trabajo concluye que debido a estas modificaciones el sistema de adjudicación constitucional húngaro tomó un giro desde el modelo kelseniano hacia aquel americano.

Table of contents: Wojciech Włoch -The Democratic Paradox Revisited - how liberal constitutionalism supports democratic equality; Tomasz Milej - Liberal democracy's rocky path – the cases of Kenya and Tanzania; Tímea Drinóczi, Agnieszka Bień-Kacała - Illiberal constitutionalism in Hungary and Poland: The case of judicialization of politics; Fabio Ratto Trabucco - The Hungarian Judicial System evolution between 'Orbánism' and European Governance; Zbigniew Witkowski, Maciej Serowaniec - The role of 'controlled' referendum in Polish democracy; Faith Kabata - Impact of UN Human Rights Monitoring Mechanisms in Kenya; Lóránt Csink, Réka Török - The collision of national security purpose secret information gathering and the right to privacy. The present and future of Hungarian regulation; István Sabjanics - The Legality of National Security; Václav Stehlík - Metamorphosis of Public Security Exception in the EU Internal Market and EU Citizens' Rights ; Can a democracy work without liberalism? Or in other words, is the concept of governing and being governed in turns sustainable without respecting individual rights? Or is a democracy doomed to be hijacked by authoritarian rulers, if not backed by robust mechanisms of individual rights protection, by a rule of law and as system, in which – as James Madison wanted – an ambition is made to counteract ambition and the abuses of government are controlled? A standard answer of the so-called 'Western' constitutionalism is still a clear 'no'. The present volume offers study material on countries and historical situations, in which this clear 'no' faces challenges. It traces trajectories of democracy's development as it embraced and rejected liberal ideas. The contribution by Timea Drinoczi and Agnieszka Bien-Kacała does it with respect to Hungary and Poland, while the contribution by Tomasz Milej focuses on Kenya and Tanzania. But before embarking on the developments in particular countries, Wojciech Włoch takes the reader through the contemporary thought on the relationship between democracy and liberalism. He argues from the philosophical perspective that the liberal ideal of equal rights of individuals enables a democracy to thrive and prosper. Tomasz Milej takes up this point showing on the examples of Kenya and Tanzania how the attempts to base a democratic regime on illiberal pillars eventually lead to a collapse of the same. In this vein, Timea Drinoczi and Agnieszka Bien-Kacała make a strong case against theorising violations of constitutional stipulations and disenfranchisement of judiciaries as some new concepts of democracy or political constitutionalism as opposed to the legal one; one of the terms they prefer to describe the departure from the liberal democracy is abusive constitutionalism. Various examples for this type of regime from Hungarian practice are provided by Fabio Ratto Trabucco, who discusses the legal means employed by the Hungarian government to take over the judiciary by replacing judges with new ones under a new politicised appointment procedure. In so doing, the author also discusses the interaction of the Hungarian government with external actors, such as Venice Commission and various organs of the European Union. On such a dialogue focuses Faith Kabata documenting a poor record of Kenya in implementing of the UN monitoring bodies recommendations and even obstructionism by the state executive organs regarding civil and political rights. Her study shows that these rights were best implemented when individuals took their cases to the courts and that the biggest obstacle to the implementation was a lack of social and political internalisation of certain human rights provisions. Aren't those internalisation deficits the same ones that derailed the liberal democracy – at least temporarily – in Hungary and Poland? One could look from this perspective at the failure of the direct democracy instruments to enhance people's participation in public matters, as discussed by Zbigniew Witkowski and Maciej Serowaniec in the Polish context. Those more general accounts are supplemented by three case studies on a sensitive area of clash between the collective and individual interest. The contributions by Lóránt Csink and Réka Török, by István Sabjanics and by Václav Stehlík examine the relationship between the national security concerns and the individual freedoms. Quite interestingly, Stehlík's research shows that the readjustment away from the individual movement rights towards the protection of national security concerns has also found its way into the case law of the Court of Justice if the European Union.