El subsidio al gas y el bono solidario en el Ecuador: simulando el paso de subsidios regresivos a transferencias progresivas
In: Estudios e informes del SIISE - STFS 6
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In: Estudios e informes del SIISE - STFS 6
In: The Pacific review, Band 27, Heft 5, S. 611-628
ISSN: 0951-2748
World Affairs Online
In: The European journal of development research, Band 23, Heft 1, S. 72-93
ISSN: 1743-9728
In: The European journal of development research: journal of the European Association of Development Research and Training Institutes (EADI), Band 23, Heft 1, S. 72-93
ISSN: 0957-8811
World Affairs Online
In: Foreign affairs Latinoamérica, Band 10, Heft 3, S. 115-122
ISSN: 1665-1707
World Affairs Online
In: Foreign affairs Latinoamérica, Band 10, Heft 1, S. 110-118
ISSN: 1665-1707
World Affairs Online
In: Journal of international development: the journal of the Development Studies Association, Band 19, Heft 7, S. 1016-1019
ISSN: 1099-1328
AbstractConditional Cash Transfer Programs (CCTPs) show a remarkable flexibility. Based on that property, CCTPs might be extended to provide a more comprehensive and cohesive social protection umbrella. These programs might widen their scope by facilitating sector specific reforms and providing protection to large‐scale contingencies. By mobilising assets other than human capital and targeting more selectively population groups in changing circumstances, these programs might well become effective instruments to crack permanent poverty. This note discusses enabling changes to achieve such ambitious goals. Copyright © 2007 John Wiley & Sons, Ltd.
In: Journal of Latin American studies, Band 39, Heft 2, S. 329-354
ISSN: 0022-216X
World Affairs Online
In: Journal of international development: the journal of the Development Studies Association, Band 18, Heft 8, S. 1065-1080
ISSN: 1099-1328
AbstractEmpirical evidence questions the unitary allocation model of the household that underpins the standard measurement of monetary poverty and inequality. Intra‐household gender discrimination has been widely shown to shape expenditure decisions, nutrition status, and human capital accumulation of household members. However, conventional poverty and inequality analyses are conducted for the household as a whole, which might lead to different conclusions compared with studies based on individuals. Using recent developments in intra‐household bargaining modelling, this paper constructs non‐cooperative allocation rules dominated by gender discrimination among household members. Estimates for Chile show a substantial worsening of poverty and inequality under such allocation rules. This suggests that intra‐household discrimination deserves some of the attention typically directed to extra‐household discrimination in labour markets, access to public services or political participation. Copyright © 2006 John Wiley & Sons, Ltd.
In: Journal of income distribution: an international journal of social economics
The effects of social transfers on individual participation and working hours are theoretically shown to differ for unitary and bargaining intra-household allocation models. This result is attributed to both the non-transferability of in-kind social transfers and differences in control of these transfers among household members. Using elasticities of social transfers on work effort (estimated through sample selection corrected participation probits and working hour OLS), new tests on intra-household allocation are developed for Chile. These tests strongly reject the unitary model and exogenous bargaining, accepting endogenous bargaining only among non-poor households. Poor households may use social incomes as investments for the future rather than for short-term strategic power relations.
In: The European journal of development research, Band 16, Heft 4, S. 868-891
ISSN: 1743-9728
In: Colección de publicaciones municipales 22
In: The journal of development studies, Band 58, Heft 3, S. 615-632
ISSN: 1743-9140
World Affairs Online
This article aims to demonstrate that the participation of the Spanish Armed Forces, carried out in 2003 in Iraqi territory, took place in a geostrategic scenario in which the us Administration wanted to consolidate its presence as the main actor in a world surrounded by complex international relations and after a century that both illuminated the disappearance of communism in the Soviet Union, as well as the consolidation of Islamic fundamentalism. By using synthetic and deductive methods, this work will lead to an understanding of the real scope of the presence of Spanish troops in Iraq, as well as its true political and strategic significance. After a tour of the different sections that make up this article, it can be concluded that Iraqi citizens were the only beneficiaries of this action, since bilateral foreign relations between Spain and the United States were particularly affected. ; Este artículo pretende demostrar que la participación de las Fuerzas Armadas españolas, llevada a cabo en el año 2003 en el territorio iraquí, se desarrolló en un escenario geoestratégico en el que la Administración norteamericana quiso afianzar su presencia como actor principal en un mundo envuelto en complejas relaciones internacionales y tras un siglo que tanto alumbró la desaparición del comunismo de la Unión Soviética, como asistió a la consolidación del fundamentalismo islámico. Mediante la utilización de los métodos sintético y deductivo, este trabajo llevará a la comprensión del alcance real de la presencia de las tropas españolas en Irak, así como de su verdadero significado político y estratégico. Tras un recorrido por los diferentes epígrafes que conforman este artículo, podrá concluirse que los ciudadanos iraquíes fueron los únicos beneficiados de esta acción, puesto que las relaciones exteriores bilaterales entre España y los Estados Unidos se vieron especialmente afectadas.
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