Suchergebnisse

This volume investigates how democratic politics can unfold in creative and unexpected ways even at the most trying of times. Drawing on three years of fieldwork in disaster-affected communities in Tacloban City, Philippines, this text presents ethnographic portraits of how typhoon survivors actively perform their suffering to secure political gains. Each chapter traces how victims are transformed to 'publics' that gain voice and visibility in the global public sphere through disruptive protests, collaborative projects, and political campaigns that elected the strongman Rodrigo Duterte to presidency.

We need to talk about Rody / Nicole Curato -- Was Duterte's rise inevitable? / Julio C. Teehankee -- Who supports Rodrigo Duterte? / Ronald D. Holmes -- Rodrigo Duterte : a fascist original / Walden Bello -- Dutertismo, Maoismo, nasyonalismo / Lisandro E. Claudio & Patricio N. Abinales -- The Mindanaoan president / Jesse Angelo L. Altez & Kloyde A. Caday -- Hide the looking glass : Duterte and the legacy of American imperialism / Adele Webb -- Duterte's war on drugs : the securitization of illegal drugs and the return of national boss rule / Nathan Gilbert Quimpo -- Murder as enterprise : police profiteering in Duterte's war on drugs / Sheila S. Coronel -- A mandate for mass killings? : public support for Duterte's war on drugs / Jayson S. Lamchek -- Celebrity politics and televisual melodrama in the age of Duterte / Anna Cristina Pertierra -- The rise of trolls in the Philippines (and what we can do about it) / Jason Vincent A. Cabañes & Jayeel S. Cornelio -- Queering Rodrigo Duterte / John Andrew G. Evangelista -- Duterte's other war : the battle for EDSA People Power's memory / Cleve Kevin Robert V. Arguelles -- Who will burn Duterte's effigy? / Emerson M. Sanchez -- Engaging Duterte : that space in between populism and pluralism / Carmel Veloso Abao

The field of deliberative democracy has long recognised the role of interruptive protests to make polities more sensitive to good reasons. But how exactly interruptive protests enhance deliberative systems remain an open question. 'Non-deliberative acts may have deliberative consequences' is a crucial line of argument in the deliberative systems literature, but the precise character of these consequences is yet to be spelled out. In this article, I describe three ways in which consequences of interruptive protests enhance the deliberative system. I argue that interruptive protests can redistribute (1) voice and visibility, (2) attention, and (3) deliberative agency which, in turn, can lay bare the weaknesses of a dysfunctional deliberative system. The arguments I put forward are based on interpretive case studies focusing on protest movements in the Philippines and Puerto Rico in the aftermath of record-breaking hurricanes. Overall, this paper seeks to clarify the relationship between deliberative politics and protest action, by identifying the distinctive contributions of interruptive protests in redistributing power in dysfunctional deliberative systems.

Is one of Asia's oldest democracies rejecting its tradition of liberalism in exchange for a strongman who can restore self-esteem and bring order to a desperate nation?

While many Filipinos marginalized by previous leaders feel a strong connection with President Rodrigo Duterte despite his brutal drug war, they are still pressing him to fulfill his promises.

Citizens who support populist leaders are often portrayed in negative terms. They are disparaged for their prejudice and naiveté, some even earning the label "basket of deplorables" from Hillary Clinton. Rodrigo Duterte's supporters were not exempted from such criticism. In the 2016 Philippine presidential race, they were pejoratively labelled Dutertards, which pathologised their fervent and unrelenting support for the controversial candidate. This article interrogates such depictions by examining the logics that underpin Duterte's strong public support. I argue that part of Duterte's appeal hinges on "penal populism," built on two political logics that reinforce each other: the politics of anxiety and the politics of hope. While the former foregrounds the language of crisis, danger and uncertainty, the latter reclaims democratic agency. The article examines the articulations of these logics among Duterte's supporters based on ethnographic fieldwork in disaster-affected communities where Duterte enjoyed decisive victories.

Citizens who support populist leaders are often portrayed in negative terms. They are disparaged for their prejudice and naiveté, some even earning the label "basket of deplorables" from Hillary Clinton. Rodrigo Duterte's supporters were not exempted from such criticism. In the 2016 Philippine presidential race, they were pejoratively labelled Dutertards, which pathologised their fervent and unrelenting support for the controversial candidate. This article interrogates such depictions by examining the logics that underpin Duterte's strong public support. I argue that part of Duterte's appeal hinges on "penal populism," built on two political logics that reinforce each other: the politics of anxiety and the politics of hope. While the former foregrounds the language of crisis, danger and uncertainty, the latter reclaims democratic agency. The article examines the articulations of these logics among Duterte's supporters based on ethnographic fieldwork in disaster-affected communities where Duterte enjoyed decisive victories. (JCSA/GIGA)

The theory and practice of democracy have moved on from the paradigm of electoral democracy to conceptualising alternative models that can facilitate democratic deepening in different contexts. Methodology should follow too. In this piece, I build on Morlino's framework, which takes a step towards a pluralised assessment of democratic qualities but remains largely hinged on the electoral model of democracy. I suggest that Morlino's heuristic tools can be further sharpened by incorporating a deliberative democratic criterion. I provide an empirical illustration through the Philippine case – a country that already exhibits formal features of electoral democracy but fails to translate democratic impulses into democratic deepening.

Recent developments in deliberative democratic theory have witnessed a renegotiation of classic deliberative principles to conceptualise the form deliberation could take under suboptimal speech situations. Application of deliberative virtues is negotiated, suggesting that different contexts warrant different deliberative expectations. Such approach presents a topical model of deliberation but it also raises concerns regarding the extent of these norms negotiability, whether there remain core deliberative virtues that cannot be compromised regardless of the context. This piece addresses this theoretical challenge by putting forward a sequential analysis of democratic deliberation. It draws on pragma-dialectics, an approach to the study of argumentation that examines how a difference of opinion is handled in practice. It suggests that deliberative norms and discursive tactics have specialised functions at particular moments of exchange while retaining focus on components that make deliberation a distinct form of political practice.

The theory and practice of democracy have moved on from the paradigm of electoral democracy to conceptualising alternative models that can facilitate democratic deepening in different contexts. Methodology should follow too. In this piece, I build on Morlino's framework, which takes a step towards a pluralised assessment of democratic qualities but remains largely hinged on the electoral model of democracy. I suggest that Morlino's heuristic tools can be further sharpened by incorporating a deliberative democratic criterion. I provide an empirical illustration through the Philippine case - a country that already exhibits formal features of electoral democracy but fails to translate democratic impulses into democratic deepening. [Reprinted by permission of Sage Publications Ltd., copyright, the International Political Science Association.]