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AbstractThis article presents tests of effects of social class background on voters' perceptions of most and least favoured federal parties, perceived party differences and subjective class voting. The data were taken from the 1984 Canadian National Election Study. The results show that subjective class voting extended to voters' beliefs about least liked parties. And the greater the perceived differences between voters' preferred parties and their second and third choice parties, the greater the level of class voting. An index which combined respondents' perceptions of the class orientations of most and least liked parties increased the estimate of the level of subjective class voting that takes place. The results suggest that this index provides an improved way of assessing subjective class voting. This index is a useful improvement upon previous measures because it incorporates information on the extent to which voters see Canadian politics as presenting class-based alternatives. This is the conceptual domain of the dependent variable in the literature on subjective class voting, but perceived class-based alternatives are seldom measured directly.

This paper provides tests of competing hypotheses on participation in competitive sport by anglophones and francophones in Canada. Two competing sets of theoretical arguments inform the analysis — one based on an ethnic value differences perspective and the other on an ethnic homogenization perspective. The first view argues that there are key differences in achievement orientation between the Canadian anglophone and francophone language groups. This being the case, anglophones should be more likely than francophones to be involved in competitive sport. Also, among those involved in sport, reported motives of "competition" and "personal challenge" should be more frequent for anglophones than francophones. The competing line of argument has it that, as a consequence of the economic and political modernization of French Canada, francophones have adopted values and behaviours that are highly similar to those of their anglophone counterparts. By this view, there should be minimal, if any, differences in participation in and orientation toward competitive sport between anglophones and francophones. The hypotheses are tested in multivariate analyses of national survey data on forms of sport involvement among male and female Canadian adults. The findings are much as predicted by the value differences thesis both for involvement in competitive sport and for reasons for involvement.

Ceci est le compte rendu d'une analyse de données déjà recueillies résultant d'une étude nationale sur la qualité de la vie (Quality of life study, 1977) qui compare les attitudes des Canadiens anglais et des Québécois face au multiculturalisme. Nous avons mis à l'épreuve 5 prédictions basées sur l'hypothèse de la classe ethnique; 4 se sont avérées sans fondement. La question du revenu par exemple, avail les mêmes types de rapports avec les attitudes multiculturelles chez les groupes des deux langues; et ces rapports n'étaient pas moins marqués parmi les Québécois, tel que prédit par l'hypothèse de la classe ethnique. Cependant l'attitude des Québécois a été plus négative envers les cultures minoritaires et la valeur de la contribution qu'apportent les immigrants à la société canadienne. Ils ont étéégalement plus enclins à l'idée de limiter l'immigration en général, et en particulier l'immigration des pays de langue anglaise et de l'Italie. D'autre part, les résultats ont démontré une plus grande opposition parmi les Canadiens anglophones aux immigrants venant de l'Inde, du Pakistan, et des Antilles. Nous terminons avec quelques observations sur les orientations différentielles face au multiculturalisme dans les deux communautés.We report on a secondary analysis of national survey data (Quality of Life Study, 1977) comparing the multicultural attitudes of English‐Canadians (N = 1593) and Québécois (N = 674). We tested five predictions based on the ethnic‐class hypothesis and found no support for four of them. For example, income had similar types of relationships with multicultural attitudes in each language group; these relationships were not less marked among the Québécois, as predicted by the ethnic‐class hypothesis. The Québécois were, however, more negative toward minority cultures and the value of immigrants' contributions to Canadian society. They were also more disposed to limit immigration in general, and more specifically, immigration from English‐speaking nations and Italy. Set against these results were the findings of greater opposition among English‐speaking Canadians to immigrants from India, Pakistan and the West Indies. We conclude with some observations on the alternative orientations to multiculturalism in the two communities.

Cet écrit rapporte les conclusions sur la non‐confiance exprimée dans sept institutions principales canadiennes en relation avec le statut éducationnel et le mécontentement économique, aprés contrôles. Les données sont d'après un sondage adulte national (1974). Les analyses sont pour les Canadiens anglais et franqais, séparément et ensemble, avec contrôles de revenu, occupation, langue et âge. Les analyses sont guidées par deux variantes de l' interprétation "endoctrinement" de la signification du contact de personnes aux niveaux d'éducation plus élevés pour leurs attitudes politiques. Les constatations supportent l'opinion que les personnes traitent l'éducation comme un investissement économique dans le futur et que ceci a des conséquences différentes sur la relation entre le statut éducationnel et les attitudes politiques, parmi adultes, dépendant de leurs niveaux de mécontentement économique. Il existe une relation positive entre statut éducationnel et non‐confiance dans les institutions parmi les personnes qui sont mécontentes économiquement; et aucune relation ou le contraire entre statut éducationnel et non‐confiance parmi les personnes satisfaites économiquement. Les implications de ces conclusions pour la théorie et la recherche y sont discutées.This paper reports findings on the relationships between expressed non confidence in seven major Canadian institutions, and educational status and economic dissatisfaction, after controls. The data are from a national adult sample (1974). The analyses are for English‐ and French‐Canadians, separately and together, with controls for income, occupation, language, and age. The analyses are guided by two variants of the "indoctrination" interpretation of the significance of persons' exposure to higher levels of education for their political attitudes. The findings support the view that persons treat education as an investment in the interest of future economic rewards and that this has differing consequences for the relationship between educational status and political attitudes among adults depending on their level of economic dissatisfaction. There is a positive relationship between educational status and non confidence in institutions among persons who are economically dissatisfied; and no relationship or the opposite type of relationship between education and non confidence among economically satisfied persons. Theoretical and research implications of these findings are discussed.

The results of previous studies of "stacking" by race in U.S. professional baseball are juxtaposed. The findings give several replications of the results recently reported for a more modest data base by Medoff (1977) in this Review. The comparative find ings show: (a) that there has consistently been a "stacking" pattern, of an under- representation of Blacks at central playing positions and an over-representation of whites at these positions, regardless of the time period studied since 1956; and, (b) that there has been an increase in the proportions of Blacks (to whites) within nearly all types of positions through time. However, when the proportionate distributions of Blacks across types of positions are looked at for different time periods the findings suggest that, if anything, Blacks' rates of attainment of central infield positions have declined somewhat. Medoff's argument that "an economic hypothesis" is the most plausible interpretation of recent trends in recruitment of Blacks is rejected for rea sons of evidence limitations and methodological problems in his research design.