Este artículo busca revelar la lógica estructural detrás de los desembolsos masivos en sistemas militares y centros de comando que Estados Unidos ha posicionado alrededor de casi todo el globo. Para afi rmar el rol vital que el poder militar implica, no hay que poner en duda el papel estratégico de la diplomacia o "poder suave", ni menospreciar el signifi cado vital de crear políticas económicas internacionales. Por el contrario, el propósito es reconceptualizar el papel del poder militar, colocándolo al menos en un nivel equivalente al de las otras dos formas de poder internacional comúnmente reconocidas y estudiadas: diplomacia y economía.
Celso Furtado, um dos criadores da Política Econômica Estruturalista da América Latina, foi fascinado pela construção de um projeto viável de desenvolvimento para o Brasil. Um sofisticado defensor da reforma estrutural, representou um reformismo pioneiro baseado em análises pragmáticas do subdesenvolvimento – 'a' inerente condição das nações periféricas. O objetivo deste artigo é oferecer uma síntese e uma avaliação de suas contribuições para a política econômica da Economia do Desenvolvimento. A hipótese deste artigo é que a metodologia/posição de análise de Furtado – em particular, (1) sua abordagem dinâmica, historicamente contextualizada, e (2) sua tendência em centrar o desenvolvimento em capacidade tecnológica – merece mais ampla aceitação e maior reconhecimento. Mantém-se uma hipótese alternativa, que o trabalho de Furtado é um paralelo ao feito no início do institucionalismo dos Estados Unidos da América (particularmente de Veblen) e, também, que ele e seus seguidores perderam, por uma longa distância, a oportunidade de explorar as complementariedades e sinergias que poderiam ter sido forjadas para renovar a perspectiva desenvolvimentista Furtadiana.
Статья посвящена исследованию эволюционного пути эндогенного инновационного потенциала в современную эпоху с точки зрения институционального анализа в вебленианской традиции. В центре внимания автора Латинская Америка, в частности, Бразилия последних десятилетий. При этом исходным пунктом анализа является в высшей степени оригинальная трактовка Вебленом роли техники и технологии. Современный вклад в его теорию институциональных изменений является основой анализа Латинской Америки. Технология анализируется как институт, а также как фактор производства. Технологический детерминизм не свойственен подходу Веблена. Национальные инновационные системы представляют собой сложные переплетения институциональных структур, впервые зародившихся в Германии и США. Веблен проводит первичный анализ этих систем. Нео-шумпетерианцы продолжили этот анализ, но уже в рамках более ограниченного теоретического подхода. Использование этих теоретических структур для лучшего понимания политэкономического устройства Латинской Америки не стало приоритетным при исследованиях евроцентристских национальных инновационных систем. В период Второй научно-технической революции (1870-1913 гг.) в Латинской Америке, в связи с ее доиндустриальным устройством, не произошло широкомасштабных заимствований каких-либо значимых технологий, развитых в Германии и США. С наступлением периода первичной индустриализации, и позже эпохи импортозамещающей индустриализации (1930-1980 гг.), Латинская Америка вступила во второй из трёх периодов институционально-структурной трансформации. На протяжении данного периода поверхностной индустриализации редко преследовалась цель продвижения автономных инноваций. Третья структурная трансформация, эпоха неолиберализма, во многих отношениях открыла ворота для неблагоприятных процессов, обусловливаемых зависимостью от предшествующей траектории развития, в частности, в том, что касается эндогенного технологического потенциала. Латинская Америка ещё более отдалилась от границ науки и инноваций. Годовой рост общей производительности факторов производства близок к нулю, приближаясь к самому низкому в мировом масштабе значению, характеризующему Африку южнее Сахары. Лишь Бразилия всерьез преследовала цель создания национальной инновационной системы. ; This paper presents a Veblenian-Institutionalist analysis of the evolutionary path of endogenous innovation capacities, emphasizing the current era. While the primary focus is on Latin America, particularly Brazil in recent decades, Veblen's highly original understanding of "Technik" provides a point of departure. Contemporary contributions to his theory of institutional change inform the analysis of Latin America. Technology is analyzed in as an institution as well as a factor of production. Technological determinism is alien to the Veblenian perspective. National Innovation Systems are complex weavings of institutional strands first emerging in Germany and the U.S. Veblen presented an important proto-analysis of these systems. Neo-Schumpeterians have carried-forward this analysis, but only within a more restricted theoretical framework. Using these theoretical strands to advance the understanding of the political economy of Latin America has not been a focus of the Eurocentric National Innovation Systems research agenda. In Latin America during the Second Technological Revolution (1870-1913), due to its pre-industrial structure, no significant transfers of the massive new technological capacities developed in Germany and the U.S. occurred. With proto-industrialization and later the onset of the era of Import Substitution Industrialization (1930-1980), Latin America entered its second of three periods of institutional-structural transformation. During this period of shallow industrialization promotion of autonomous innovation capacities was rarely pursued. The third structural transformation, Neoliberalism, has, in many respects, opened the way for adverse path dependent processes, particularly with regard to endogenous technological capabilities. Latin American has shifted further away from the frontiers of science and innovation. Annual Total Factor Productivity growth is near zero, tied with that of Sub-Saharan Africa at the world's lowest rate. Only Brazil has seriously pursued the construction of a National Innovation System.
La economía del desarrollo se conoce como un fenómeno de la posguerra, no tiene antecedentes.No obstante la contribución de Veblen a la economía del desarrollo ya se había reconocido y diseminado anteriormente. La economía evolutiva de Veblen se centra en verdades históricas y limitadas aplicables a culturas en específico. La teoría del crecimiento de Veblen es una teoría del desarrollo económico: la acumulación cuantitativa es importante porque implica cambio cualitativo. El análisis que hace Veblen sobre el aprovechamiento del potencial económico se centra en la habilidad de la sociedad para introducir satisfactoriamente avances científicos y tecnológicos, dando lugar a beneficioscrecientes y a la inversión del excedente en actividades industriales. Veblen presentó comentarios indirectos y sorprendentes sin presentarlos empíricamente.
Las debilidades en el sector bancario privatizado fueron un factor fundamental en la crisis de 1994-1995. Una elite rapaz impulsó la adquisición de préstamos para financiar un consumo conspicuo y actividades especulativas. El conocimiento privilegiado de algunos grupos acerca de esta debilidad influyó en la fuga de capitales de 1994, lo que forzó una devaluación del peso. El gobierno manteniendo la política de libre mercado implantó un plan masivo de rescate bancario que costó una cantidad superior a los ingresos obtenidos por la privatización bancaria durante 1991-1992. En 1996 el gobierno había re-nacionalizado la mitad de la banca privatizada
"The fifth edition of The Process of Economic Development offers a thorough and up-to-date treatment of development economics. It has been extensively revised throughout, reflecting the most recent developments in research and incorporating the latest empirical data, as well as key theoretical advances and many new topics. The world has seen vast economic growth in China, economic transformation in India, challenges in Latin America, rapid economic progress in Southeast Asia and the deepening impact of environmental issues such as climate change. This new edition addresses all these critical issues as well as the pivotal role of the state, where China's capacity is contrasted with that of the African states. Transnational corporations' reliance on low-wage manufacturing and labour arbitrage is featured. Agricultural policy-extensively explored-remains crucial, as does the promotion of industrialization. This fifth edition offers a 'state-of-the-art' analysis of these essential themes and many others. Numerous case studies and issue focuses have been integrated with sundry central topics. Neoclassical theories and applications, including a timely exploration of behavioral economics, are accessibly explicated. Cypher's comprehensive account remains the development economics text par excellence, as it takes a much more practical, hands-on view of the issues facing developing countries than other, overly mathematical texts. This book is unique in its scope and in the detailed attention it gives to a vast range of ideas, including pioneering developmentalist and heterodox formulations. Distinct institutional structures are examined within their historical contexts. This landmark text will continue to be an invaluable resource for students, teachers and researchers in the fields of development economics and development studies."
Cover -- Half Title -- Series Page -- Title -- Copyright -- Dedication -- Contents -- List of Tables -- Acknowledgments -- Introduction -- A Short Note on Research Methodology -- From the Outside Looking In -- 1 The Political Economy of the State in Mexico: An Overview -- State-led Development -- Technology: A Missing Link -- Full Capitalism or Disarticulated Production -- Three Stages of the Mexican State -- Notes -- 2 Theories of the Mexican State -- The State as Rector: The Sui Generis Mexican State -- The Qualitative Nature of the Mexican State -- Instruments of the State -- The Dependency Framework and the Mexican State -- Relative State Autonomy -- A Unity of Opposites? Relative Autonomy and Instrumentalism -- Bravo's State Sectoral Function -- Declining Autonomy, Rising Oligarchy? -- State Monopoly Capitalism -- The State as a Historical Subject -- Notes -- 3 The State and the Macroeconomy in the "Miracle" Years: 1940-1970 -- The War Period: Peasants Versus Agribusiness, 1940-1946 -- The Agricultural Boom, 1946-1955 -- The Capitalist-Rentier State Form -- The End of Primary Industrialization, 1953-1955 -- The Making and Unmaking of the Mexican Miracle, 1955-1970 -- Theoretical Interpretations of the Stabilized Growth Period -- Notes -- 4 La Docena Trágica: 1970-1982 -- Echeverría and the Macroeconomy -- Echeverría and Statism -- José López Portillo and the Petro Boom -- The Economic Breakdown of 1981-1982 -- The Bank Nationalization -- Notes -- 5 The Structure of the State Sector: The Parastate Firms -- Concentration in the Parastate Sector -- Growth and Structure of the Parastate Sector -- Issues of the State Sector -- In Defense of the State -- The Shift Toward Privatization -- 6 President de la Madrid Hurtado's Sexenio: The Crisis and the Neoliberal Ascendancy -- Crisis, What Crisis? -- An Overview of the Macroeconomic Fluctuations.
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In development studies it is widely recognized that state intervention has been more profound in Mexico than elsewhere in Latin America. Since the 1930s, successive governments have actively adopted import substitution as a means of spurring economic growth, often with spectacular results. The collapse of the petro-boom in 1982, however, brought an
Written by two leading scholars, this book provides a detailed analysis of Mexico's political economy. James M. Cypher and Raúl Delgado Wise begin with an examination of Mexico's pivotal economic crisis of the 1980s and the consequent turn toward an export-led economy, later anchored by NAFTA. They show how Mexico, after abandoning frequently successful past practices of state-led development, disastrously tied its future to an unconditional reliance on foreign corporations to promote an export-led growth strategy. This strategy, they convincingly argue, has resulted in a fragmented economy marked by stagnation, falling wages, informal part-time employment, and massive migration, which define daily life for all but a tiny minority.
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The U.S. industrial-military-congressional complex is made up of the interdependent dynamics of military contractor corporations, military forces, intelligence agencies, and the civilian national security state, which take form as strategy, political-economy factors, and international affairs shift.
From the 1930s until the early 1970s, national industrialization programs in Latin America were part of an effort to introduce social policies that broadened the national market, indirectly creating employment opportunities. Yet, Celso Furtado and other structuralists found the pattern of investment in Latin America predetermined by the unequal composition of aggregate demand, skewed toward the landholding-industrial-financial elite and newly emerged professional strata, leading to constricted employment. In reaction to the inclusive policies urged by the structuralists, insurgent neoliberal policies created a new climate of hostility toward unions and indifference to employment. Neoliberal doctrines deconstructed labor's eminence, forcing flexibility and precariousness while labor laws and unions were conjured as market distortions. Social neoliberalist, neostructuralist, and neodevelopmentalist regimes arose in the early twenty-first century as a reaction to the failure of neoliberalism to create growth and employment security. These temporary regimes have focused largely on income transfer policies, deploying economic surpluses arising from reprimarization as serendipitous exogenous forces generated export income windfalls from the commodities boom. Fundamental issues such as the pervasiveness of informal work, the recent introduction of flexible employment regimes, and deunionization have not been addressed.Desde la década de 1930 hasta principios de la década de 1970, los programas nacionales de industrialización en América Latina fueron parte de un proyecto para introducir políticas sociales que ampliaran el mercado nacional, generando indirectamente oportunidades de empleo. Sin embargo, Celso Furtado y otros estructuralistas notaron que el patrón de inversión en América Latina estaba predeterminado por la composición desigual de la demanda agregada y favorecía a la élite terrateniente-industrial-financiera y los estratos profesionales recién surgidos, todo lo cual restringía el empleo. En respuesta a las políticas inclusivas instadas por los estructuralistas, las políticas neoliberales emergentes tomaron una postura hostil hacia los sindicatos y trataron la cuestión del empleo con indiferencia. Las doctrinas neoliberales deconstruyeron la eminencia del trabajo, dando lugar a la flexibilidad y la precariedad, mientras que las leyes laborales y los sindicatos se presentaron como distorsiones del mercado. Los regímenes sociales neoliberales, neoestructuralistas y neodesarrollistas surgieron a principios del siglo XXI en reacción al fracaso del neoliberalismo para generar crecimiento y seguridad laboral. Estos regímenes temporales se han centrado en gran medida en las políticas de transferencia de ingresos, utilizando superávits económicos derivados de la reprimarización, ya que fuerzas exógenas coyunturales inesperadas generaron ingresos extraordinarios a raíz del boom de los productos básicos. Sin embargo, no se han abordado cuestiones fundamentales como la omnipresencia del trabajo informal, la reciente introducción de regímenes flexibles de empleo y la destrucción de los sindicatos.
