Suchergebnisse

Cover -- Half Title -- Series Page -- Title Page -- Copyright Page -- Dedication -- Table of Contents -- List of Tables -- Acknowledgments -- 1 Introduction -- 2 When Willem Met Laura: Who Enters National and Binational Couples? -- 3 Sociability -- 4 Making a Living -- 5 Civil and Political Engagement -- 6 Taste and Cultural Practices -- 7 Identities -- Conclusion -- Appendix 1: Survey Methodology -- Appendix 2: In-Depth Interviews -- Appendix 3: Variables Used in the Statistical Analysis -- Index.

No se puede explicar la evolución de la ilegitimidad en Europa atendiendo a explicaciones convencionales. La mayor libertad sexual y la opción de no legitimizar el nuevo nacimiento tras un embarazo prematrimonial figuran entre los principales determinantes de esta evolución. Se concede una especial atención al caso español. Así, se observa que únicamente desde 1975 se observa un ligero incremento de la ilegitimidad. El análisis muestra que los matrimonios de urgencia dominan todavía en España debido a una combinación de factores : mayor libertad sexual, embarazos no deseados y presiones familiares sobre la población joven. Se usan datos del INE para crear cifras y ratios de ilegitimidad, para la mayor parte del análisis está basado en las principales tendencias de indicadores como la tasa de abortos y el uso de contraceptivos en la bibliografía actual. Así, el contexto es, sobre todo, teórico, aunque basado en modelos observables y medibles de los últimos cuarenta años.

1\. Introduction 5 2\. Social Groups and Classes in the Literature on Europe 6 3\. A Needed Analytical Distinction: Europeanization and European Class Formation 7 4\. Data 8 5\. The Structural Basis of Europe's Middle Class 10 6\. Identification, Lifestyles, Openness, and Political Values 11 7\. European Integration and Social Segmentation 14 8\. Conclusion 15 Literature 17 Appendix 19 ; This paper connects with a recent and growing interest in the study of the societal impact of European integration and in the distinction of globalization and European integration effects. The paper uses the Eurobarometer study 67.1 to examine two related issues: 1) the segmentation of national social groups into "national" and "European" segments and 2) the contribution of the European integration process to this segmentation. Through statistical analysis, the author argues that there is some segmentation of national social groups and that this segmentation is more advanced at the level of consumer practices than at the level of identification and political attitudes and values. The author also contradicts prevailing beliefs in showing that although European integration underlies changes in the Europeanization of personal networks in general, its impact may have been greater, or at least as great, on the lower classes than on the middle classes. This paper proposes that the main mediating mechanism for this effect is the cheapening of opportunities for travel in Europe.

For more than forty years, researchers and pro-European policy makers have puzzled about what leads individuals to identify themselves as Europeans (Belot, 2010; Díez Medrano, 2019). As of 2020, neither policy-makers nor researchers have made as much progress as they would have liked. European identification is certainly prevalent in the population of the European Union, but not as prevalent and deep as national identification. It is also unclear whether this prevalence has anything to do with policies and strategies initiated by European Union institutions. Whereas European symbols and policies have likely failed to create a European demos, researchers have not been much more successful in unearthing major correlates of European identification. However, one of the most consistent findings in the literature is the relationship between education and European identification. More educated individuals identify themselves as European more than less-educated ones do. This working paper is an attempt to clarify the role of Education as a socio-economic variable and the relationship between education and European identification.

This article applies an interpretive approach to behaviour to explain why the United States' American Federation of Labor – Congress of Industrial Organizations (AFL-CIO) has opposed free trade agreements whereas the British Trade Union Congress (TUC) has endorsed them and why the AFLCIO shifted its position on trade liberalisation around 1970. The AFL-CIO has opposed FTAs because it views past costs of trade liberalisation as excessive and believes that FTAs do not protect workers enough against surges in imports. The British TUC has accepted FTAs and the enlargement of the EU because it sees no economic alternative to open markets. On a substantive level, the article describes how the US and the British trade union confederations have approached trade liberalisation and FTAs. On an analytical level, the article emphasises the autonomy of individual and group beliefs with respect to structures and with respect to dominant ideas and therefore the need to examine these beliefs when explaining behaviour.

The literature claims that the returns to transnational human capital (THC) are considerable and extend beyond firms that use it. This article critically appraises this claim and for the first time compares the employment returns to three types of THC: fluency in foreign languages, study abroad, and friendship ties abroad. The Eurobarometer 73.3 reveals that fluency in English alone is related to employment status, a relationship that based on the statistical evidence presented here may actually be spurious. The findings reflect that demand for THC is less strong and THC has less signaling and symbolic value than the literature assumes.

Regional integration and the transportation and communications revolutions are changing the way individuals relate to place through increasing the opportunity for transnational movements, forming transnational bonds between individuals, and sustaining ties to the home country among those who migrate. Today, it is possible to live in a place physically while having one's mind and consciousness elsewhere. Most significantly, EUCROSS findings demonstrate that EU citizens are engaged in a wider and more complex array of cross-border activities than most people believe (Salamonska et. al. 2013). If this process has a significant impact on a large number of people, it may be consequential for the social cohesion in actual physical locations—i.e. towns, cities or countries—and the quality of democracy. Do these cross-border activities jeopardize democracy by way of weakening incentives to participate in elections? Does the EU, by promoting an open and borderless society, also weakens itself in political terms?
This policy brief addresses these questions by comparing political engagement of Europeans who lead transnational lives with those who do not. In doing so, it shows that individuals who lead more transnational lives participate at least as much in politics as those who are more anchored in their national societies.