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Visoko obrazovanje u Sjedinjenim Američkim Državama je po većini kvantita¬tivnih i kvalitativnih pokazatelja najbolje na svetu. Univerziteti u Sjedinjenim Američkim Državama, zajedno sa onima u Ujedinjenom Kraljevstvu, privlače najbolje studente ne samo iz Evrope već širom sveta uključujući najmnogoljudnije zemlje i rastuće ekonomije poput Kine, Indije, Brazila ili Indonezije. Istovremeno, priznati profesori i istraživači mahom rade u Sjedinjenim Američkim Državama, imajući u vidu sjajne uslove za rad i istraživanja. Međutim, snaga američkih univerziteta je istovremeno i njihova slabost u kontekstu COVID-19 epidemije. Većina univerziteta su privatni univerziteti koji u potpunosti zavise od tržišta, donacija, a ponajviše studentskih školarina. Epidemija je zaoštrila problem marketizacije obrazovanja u SAD imajući u vidu da većina studenata preispituje nastavak školovanja u novonastalim uslovima, ekonomske neizvesnosti koju epidemija donosi, kao i nesigurnog tržišta rada. Analizirajući studiju slučaja Nortvestern univerziteta, tekst se bavi ekonomskim i društvenim posledicama koje epidemija ima na visoko obrazovanje u Sjedinjenim Američkim Državama, kao i mogućim načinima njegovog prevladavanja.‎ ; Higher education in the United States is the best in the world according to most quantitative and qualitative indicators. Universities in the United States, along with those in the United Kingdom, attract the best students not only from Europe but around the world, including the most populous countries and growing economies such as China, India, Brazil or Indonesia. At the same time, renowned professors and researchers mostly work in the United States, given the excellent working and research conditions. However, the strength of American universities is, at the same time, their weakness in the context of the COVID-19 epidemic. Most universities are private universities that depend entirely on the market, donations, and mostly student tuition. The epidemic has exacerbated the problem of marketing education in the United States, bearing in mind that most students are reconsidering the continuation of schooling due to economic uncertainty that the epidemic brings and uncertain labour market. Focusing on the case study of Northwestern University, the text is analyzing the economic and social consequences of the epidemic on higher education in the United States, as well as possible ways to overcome it.

The critical literature on peacebuilding has mainly addressed the local and its agency in the post-conflict phase while the nexus between context occurring prior to the implementation of the liberal peace agenda and subsequent hybridization of the local and the international has largely been overlooked. Accordingly, this text discusses the idea that success of any peacebuilding project is also dependent on political, economic or social circumstances present in a country or region before international intervention. Hence, the article analyses the context in the Socialist Federal Republic of Yugoslavia (sfry) before the conflicts in the 1990s as a decisive factor to understanding successful implementation of the liberal peace in the region.

Increasingly, inequality is becoming one of the most important phenomena of our time. Recent protests (Spain, the UK, the U.S.), violent confrontations (Brazil, Israel) or even armed conflicts (India, Tunisia) are a direct consequence of polarization, which has increased significantly since the 1980s when the global dominance of neoliberal model was established. So far, mainstream one-fit-all (socio)economic solutions proved ineffective in tackling not only high levels of income inequality, but, more importantly, its multidimensional character visible in the prevalence of social exclusion (access to education, health, and social services, etc.) which is seriously constraining human capital and creating conflict potential among the 'have-nots'. In this context, diversity should be considered as a strength, although this contradicts the universality principle imposed by the liberal state and the neoliberal model, often by applying pressure, isolation or violent force. This is why micro-structural approach must emphasize the importance of local peace formations which, depending on the context, could be dramatically different but still achieve similar results in reducing deep rooted inequalities which are predominantly socially conditioned. It's only by 'going local' that the roots of contemporary inequality can be fully understood and 'prevention' (Burton) achieved. ; Nejednakost ubrzano postaje jedan od najznačajnijih fenomena današnjice. Protesti (Španija, Ujedinjeno Kraljevstvo, Sjedinjene Američke Države), nasilje (Brazil, Izrael), kao i oružani sukobi (Indija, Tunis) direktna su posledica polarizacije koja je značajno uvećanja sa globalnim preovladavanjem neoliberalnog modela koja je započet 80-ih godina. Dosadašnje politike su se pokazale neefikasnim u savladavanju ne samo visoke dohodovne nejednakosti, već i njenih drugih dimenzija poput socijalne isključenosti (jednak pristup obrazovanju, i zdravstvenim/socijalnim uslugama i sl.) što značajno ograničava ljudski kapital i stvara konfliktni potencijal kod onih koji su marginalizovani. U navedenom kontekstu, raznovrsnost bi trebalo posmatrati kao prednost iako se time protivureči principu univerzalnosti koji se snažno nameće neoliberalnim modelom, neretko upotrebom pritisaka, izolacije ili nasilja. Upravo zbog toga mikro-strukturni pristup naglasak stavlja na važnost mirovnih formacija koje, zavisno od lokalnog konteksta, mogu biti dramatično drugačije, a istovremeno dovesti do sličnih učinaka kada su u pitanju duboko ukorenje nejednakosti koje su najčešće društveno uslovljene. Jedino insistirajući na lokalnom pristupu se savremena nejednakost može u potpunosti prepoznati, a samim tim i 'provencija' (Burton) ostvariti.

The article analyzes the structure of two regional organizations in South America and one in Central America trying to determine whether there are similarities in their organization and forms of cooperation between member states with the model applied in the case of the European Union. Based on the comparative analysis of the three cases the author draws wider implications of the increased influence of the European Union in Latin America for the attractiveness of its economic model. ; Cilj rada je da analizira strukturu i način delovanja dve regionalne organizacije u Južnoj Americi i jedne u Centralnoj Americi kao i da utvrdi da li postoje sličnosti u njihovoj organizaciji i načinu saradnje između država članica sa modelom koji je primenjen u slučaju Evropske unije. Na osnovu uporedne analize tri slučaja autor izvlači šire implikacije o povećanom uticaju EU u Latinskoj Americi usled privlačnosti njenog ekonomskog modela.

The paper analyzes different models of political and economic cooperation in Latin America. While the developed capitalist countries, in conditions of globalized production, tend to impose the neoliberal model as the only viable one Latin American actors are creating different forms of cooperation. The text offers a view of three such models and tries to find broader implications, if those models would be introduced at the global level. ; Tekst se bavi analizom različitih modela političke i ekonomske saradnje u Latinskoj Americi. Dok razvijene kapitalističke zemlje u uslovima globalizovane proizvodnje teže da nametnu neoliberalni model kao jedini mogući latinoamerički akteri pronalaze modalitete saradnje koji osnovu za svoje funkcionisanje nalaze u okviru drugačijih obrazaca. Tekst nudi prikaz tri takva modela i teži da izvuče šire implikacije, u slučaju njihove primene na globalnom nivou.

The article discusses the U.S. foreign policy toward Latin America during the twentieth century, with special emphasis on the period during the Cold War. Through a comparative analysis of the U.S. policies toward Guatemala, Chile and Nicaragua, as well as instruments that are used for their implementation author shows that the interventionism is one of the main characteristic of American foreign policy in Latin America. ; Tekst se bavi analizom spoljne politike SAD prema Latinskoj Americi tokom XX veka sa posebnim osvrtom na period tokom Hladnog rata. Kroz komparativnu analizu politika SAD prema Gvatemali, Čileu i Nikaragvi, kao i instrumenata koji su korišćeni za njihovo sprovođenje autor pokazuje da je intervencionizam jedna od glavnih determinanti američkog spoljnopolitičkog delovanja prema latinoameričkom kontinentu.

"This book outlines the main security threats, actors and processes in the Western Balkans following the dissolution of Yugoslavia. Exploring the state of peace and security in the region it asks if a stable peace is achievable. The comparative framework explores state perspectives - from Serbia, Montenegro, Northern Macedonia, Bosnia and Herzegovina, Albania and Kosovo - alongside military, political-societal, economic, environmental security concerns. The interplay of international actors is also considered. Academics, scholars, and practitioners who deal with Balkan issues, either as a focus or comparatively, and have interests in security and peace studies will find the volume invaluable along with students of Political Science, Security Studies, Peace Studies, Area studies (Eastern European studies and/or Southeast European studies), and International studies in general"--

This article belongs to a forthcoming special cluster, "Contention Politics and International Statebuilding in Southeast Europe" guest-edited by Nemanja Džuverovic, Julia Rone and Tom Junes. One of the main criticisms concerning the process of post-conflict transition in Serbia has been the lack of context sensitivity and participation of the local population in the decision-making process, especially regarding the most important issues that were addressed during the political and economic transformation of the country that began in 2001. This criticism became especially pronounced from the beginning of the economic crisis in 2008, when the negative characteristics of international statebuilding became even more apparent, causing increased dependency on international institutions and further economic marginalisation of the most vulnerable groups. By looking at the movement "Don't Drown Belgrade" and the series of large-scale protests in Belgrade in 2016, the article seeks to explore the main reasons for social discontent with the international-led statebuilding agenda in post-conflict Serbian society and the local strategies employed to resist and subvert this form of statebuilding.

The article attempts to assess the importance of informal networks in achieving internationally recognised academic standards set in four Balkan countries by the reform of higher education institutions and the International Relations (IR) profession in particular. Starting from the core-periphery division of the Global IR, the authors are examining the results of these reforms by focusing on the neoliberalisation of the university and the professional subordination of peripheral IR communities to the Western-dominated epistemic community (including 'brain drain' and recruitment of 'organic' intellectuals). Based on the interviews conducted with Balkan IR scholars, the authors conclude that informality is viewed as social capital, that is, a means of acquiring benefits by virtue of personal ties with the 'gatekeepers' of core IR. In that respect, interviewees suggest three possible solutions for overcoming the epistemic dependence of the Balkan IR community: development of local standards, stimulation of critical approach and better preparation for international standards, while the authors of the article also propose the fourth possibility: abandoning the core-periphery division, and thinking beyond geopolitical and geocultural divisions – the main idea behind the Global IR project.

This article belongs to a forthcoming special cluster, "Contention Politics and International Statebuilding in Southeast Europe" guest-edited by Nemanja Džuverovic, Julia Rone and Tom Junes.