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A review essay covering books by 1) Alan S. Alexandroff & Andrew F. Cooper, Rising States, Rising Institutions: Challenges for Global Governance (2010), 2) Alexander T. J. Lennon & Amanda Kozlowski, Global Powers in the 21st Century: Strategies and Relations (2008), 3) Geir Lundestad, The Rise and Decline of the American 'Empire': Power and its Limits in Comparative Perspective (2012), 4) Fareed Zakaria, The Post-American World and the Rise of the Rest (2009), 5) Amrita Narlikar, New Powers: How to Become One and How to Manage Them (2010) and 6) Michael T. Klare, Rising Powers, Shrinking Planet: The New Geopolitics of Energy (2008).

The article presents the argument that imperialism and nationalism are not necessarily contradictions. The article argues that empires are more than administrative entities without a collective identity and the Spanish Empire's legitimacy based on exporting its national identity to all parts of the empire is used as an example. Other empires were also based on a collective identity and promoted this identity to legitimize colonial and imperial expansion. The article states that religion was the imperial ethos for the Spanish empire in the late 15th and 16th century. The relationship between church and state underwent significant changes that resulted in a religious basis for political units collective identity, empires and/or states. A brief historical review of the Spanish Empire is presented. The relationship between empire, state, and nationalism is discussed. The role of religion in colonial expansion is explored. This article is one in a series of articles on the topic of empires. References. E. Sundby

You say I am the Jane Fonda of the Right? Listen, I'm not the right wing. I'm not the left wing. I love my country. I stand for ordinary Americans, losers a lot of them. They don't understand big, international politics. Their country tells them to fight in Vietnam? They fight … The men who fought for us in Vietnam got a raw deal. Their country told them to fight. They did their best! They come home and they're scorned. People spit at them … It left scars, that period, and I'm glad we've come out of it. (Sylvester Stallone)1 The phase now is to make up a tolerable explanation for Vietnam. Our appetite is for a substitute answer, not the real answer. We'll salve ourselves. (David Rabe)2

It is well established in International Relations that the modem state & the state system originated at the Peace of Westphalia (1648). In this article, the author argues that there is little evidence to support such an understanding, neither in the texts of the treaties nor in the political situation before or in the wake of 1648. Rather, the Peace of Westphalia can in many ways be understood to be a step backwards from a modem understanding of sovereignty (cuius regio, eius religio: whose region it is, his religion it is), which to some extent was represented in the Peace of Augsburg (1555). International Relations' understanding of the Peace of Westphalia is based on a mythical understanding of historical processes. Furthermore, the author argues, International Relations should abandon the mythical watershed which 1648 represents. However, instead of searching for another myth to explain the origin of its main object of study, one should instead re-conceptualise the discipline in a new & more dynamic way, taking into account the heterogeneous character of the international system. 60 References. Adapted from the source document.

Det er ingen tvil om at hendelsesforløp som ble igangsatt 11. september 2001 har vært med på å prege global politikk i de to tiårene som har gått. Men ble terrorangrepene mot USA 11. september 2001 definerende for hvordan vi forstår internasjonal politikk og hvordan vi studerer det? Basert på en gjennomgang av studiet av internasjonal politikk over de siste 20 årene argumenterer vi i denne artikkelen at svaret her er mer tvetydig. Tvetydig fordi det utvilsomt har skjedd endringer og fordi det er lett å peke på utviklingstrekk i faget Internasjonal Politikk (IP) som har direkte eller indirekte utspring i hendelsene høsten 2001. Terrorismestudier fikk for eksempel et umiddelbart oppsving, og med den amerikanske invasjonen av Irak i 2003 kom en øket interesse for emner som imperial makt, opprørsbekjempelse og normativ internasjonal teori. Mer tvetydig fordi vi slett ikke er sikre på at de viktigste utviklingstrekkene i IP de siste tiårene kan forklares med 11. september. Vi er også usikre på hvor varige endringene i kjølvannet av 11. september kan sies å være. Vår tentative hypotese er at 11. september på kort og mellomlang sikt hadde betydelig effekt på vektleggingen av forskjellige emner innen IP. På lengre sikt var terrorangrepene og ettervirkningene av dem viktigst for fagutviklingen på de områdene der det umiddelbare sjokket bidro til å forsterke allerede eksisterende trender.
Abstract in English:The Study of International Politics After 11 September 2001To what extent did 9/11 impact the discipline of International Relations (IR)? In the current article, we argue that while the impact of 9/11 on global politics is undeniable, the verdict when it comes to the discipline in charge of studying these events, IR, is more ambiguous. For while IR and the study of global politics has changed over time, the discipline is, we argue, as much prone to "internal" changes as it is to external shocks. Thus, we suggest a model for understanding the sociology of science of IR which takes into account both internal and external sources of change. While IR would have looked quite different today without the attacks of 9/11, we argue that we would still have been able to recognize it.

Abstract
City diplomacy is a fairly new topic in the study of diplomacy, and, many would argue, a fairly recent empirical phenomenon. A counterpoint to this could be to reference how the alleged origin of diplomacy in Greek antiquity was city-centered, as were the earliest forms of Renaissance diplomacy in Italy. In this essay we want to probe the connections between cities and diplomacy through problematizing what has counted as diplomacy. Our starting point is that cities have always mattered to what we could analytically refer to as diplomatic practice. Being conscious of the conceptual ambiguities, we are thus not starting from a specific definition of "city diplomacy," but from a conviction that cities have mattered and continue to matter to the practice of diplomacy.