Suchergebnisse

The article reviews the general vectors and the spheres of cooperation between Latin America and Islamic Republic of Iran at present. The major attention is given to the analysis of the Teheran relationships with the countries of the Bolivarian Alliance for the Peoples of Our America. It is mentioned that these contacts were mostly based on the anti-American and anti-imperialistic ideas. There are also highlighted the fields of cooperation and the visits of the senior officials which played an important role in the regulation of political, trade, economic and humanitarian relationships, in creating the joint strategy for the world scene. The attitude of the ruling circles toward Iran's nuclear program is investigated. The article evaluates H. Chávez's contribution to the development of strategic alliance with Iran under M. Ahmadinedjad. It is noted that each of this group of countries put forward its own reasons for strengthening of mutual relations. The difference of approaches of Latin American giants is emphasized. Brazil, taking on the status of the great power, tried to contribute to solving the old nuclear problem, while Argentina turned sharply from total hostility to building constructive partnership. The special attention is paid to Iran president's visit to 4 countries of the region in January 2012. It was considered as an intention to overcome the isolation at the moment of toughening of the sanctions imposed by the West. The US response to intensifying presence of Iran in the region is stated and the wide ranging opinions on the problem are shown. The article considers the future trends in the relations after the election of 2014 in Iran which brought to power moderate M. Rouhani, whose adjustments in the foreign policy affairs affected Latin America.

The article reviews socio-political processes in Venezuela after the death (March 5, 2013) of the president Hugo Chávez. The death of the charismatic leader put the problem of early election on the agenda. The election took place on April 14. The course of the rapid campaign is highlighted. The Establishment was represented by the executive vice president Nicolás Maduro, whom the head of the state had appointed his successor not long before his death. The united opposition nominated Henrique Capriles, the governor of the state Miranda. The destiny of the project of "socialism of the 21st century" was at stake. The Establishment used administrative resources and created a lot of obstacles to the rival. N. Maduro came top although with the tiniest margin. The municipal elections were held in December. Although the authority improved its results, it suffered defeat in the cities where the middle class lived. The society split up into two parts. The article gives special attention to socio-economic troubles and failed attempts to deal with them. It is emphasized that a relative welfare of the poorest groups of the population had its reversed side, which included almost absolute exhaustion of dollar-bringing industry and huge inflation. There are difficulties with the food supply. The citizens are also seriously troubled by a very high crime rate. Serious discontent burst out on February 12, 2014 on the Youth Day, when the people took to the streets, with students in the vanguard. Mass actions lasted for a long time. The authorities who regarded this unrest as an attempt of a coup, reacted quickly, using the force. These events caused an anxiety of the world's community which called on the confronting sides to cease violence and begin negotiations as well as offered to serve as intermediary. Three scenarios of political development of the country are given as a conclusion.

Peru – Latin American nation looking to Pacific Ocean, mid-sized by territory and population – has shown a substantial progress in its social and political development in recent 25 years. Now it is an important player of regional scale which is well respected by its near and far neighbors. Not surprisingly some expert tend to compare Peru to Singapore and South Korea, others introduced a notion "Peru is China in miniature". The author undertakes and effort to present a concentrated analysis of complex, sometimes contradictory and even paradox processes in this country at the turn of XX and XXI centuries. The growing role of Peru in continental and international relations is shown.

The author studies the stages of development of the relationships between Cuba and Venezuela during the second half of XX century – from mutual sympathy to hostility. The article shows gives characteristics of the two countries union that had been actually established after Hugo Chavez victory at the elections of 1998. While estimating the prospects of Cuban-Venezuelan alliance the author emphasizes the role of subjective and objective factors that will determine the result.

The article deals with a number of problems associated with the growing presence of China in the Latin American continent. The author emphasizes that mutual interest is based on economic factors. In particular, the rapidly developing Chinese economy needs more raw materials and agricultural products, which are available in abundance in Latin America. At the same time, the countries of the continent are interested in freeing from orientation solely to the United States and in a diversification of external relations. The present bilateral and multilateral agreements and treaties between China and Latin America showed a strengthening of trade and economic cooperation. But Beijing's strategy is based on a model of exchange of raw materials to finished products. This causes some resentment on the part of Latin American experts and entrepreneurs.

The author puts forward and substantiates a thesis about the transformation of Brazil into an important actor of the international relations. This becomes possible because a number of factors, including the well-designed, multi-tasked and balanced foreign policy strategy. It was founded during the military regime. Then, it was maintained and developed by the civilian Brazilian governments, primarily by such an outstanding figure as the president L. da Silva. His successor D. Rousseff s in a short period of time managed to gain a solid international reputation. She successfully copes with the mission to lead Brazil into the club of world's great powers. To perform this task Brazilian government constantly makes efforts to strengthen relations with the neighbors on the Latin American continent, to gradually smoothen tensions with the United States. Also, it closely works with the countries of BRICS, contributes to building bridges between the South and the North, as well as actively participates in the activities of international organizations and the settlement of contentious issues in the world.

The article contains an analysis of Russia's foreign policy towards the Latin American continent in the first decade of the XXI century. The author points out the intensive development of contacts in different fields (political, economic, military-technical and humanitarian). A pluralistic feature of the Russian strategy towards the countries of the region and the absence of the confrontational agenda are emphasized.

The article examines a range of forces represented in the political arena of the Latin American countries that recently held general election (Panama, Chile, Colombia, Costa Rica, Uruguay, Brazil, El Salvador, Venezuela, Bolivia, Ecuador). A primary interest is paid to the left radicals, the left centrists, the centrists and the right centrists. While assessing the outcome of the elections the author underlines the trend towards convergence of left and right centrists. This is creating opportunities for their cooperation. Simultaneously, there is a compression of space for the interaction of these political forces with the left radicals.

The article is an attempt to summarize the results of Hugo Chávez's ten year rule in Venezuela. There has been a comprehensive reorganization of the political system institutional foundations. The new constitution has been approved, which proclaimed the country a Bolivarian Republic in honor of the great Latin American liberation hero. The unicameral National Assembly has replaced the National Congress. The president can now be reelected without any restraints, his term of office has been prolonged from 5 to 6 years. Typical for the Chávez's course is the use of formally democratic mechanisms in order to ensure the authoritarian rule. Prosecution of opposition figures has become commonplace. The initially proclaimed intermediate political course has been dismissed, the new slogan is the construction of a "21st century socialism".

One of the important aspects of Latin American countries political development – the issue of a president's tenure – is analyzed in the article. The author presumes that in a number of Latin American states, along with doubtless achievements in democracy consolidation, a trend to administration prolongation has emerged. This, as accentuated in the article, may signify backsliding into authoritarianism, and, therefore, poses a threat to democracy.