Suchergebnisse

The European Green Deal is an attempt to transform the European Union's economy in order to achieve climate neutrality by 2050. This is to counteract undesirable climate change and environmental degradation. In this context, an interesting question is whether the implementation of the European Green Deal is in line with the European Union's model of the Social Market Economy. In order to be able to answer this research question, this study is divided into five parts. The first is an introduction to the analysed issues. The second part presents the basic assumptions of the European Green Deal. The third presents the most important assumptions of the Social Market Economy in the context of climate policy. The fourth part analyses the coherence of the European Green Deal with the model of the Social Market Economy. The study ends with a summary containing the conclusions of the conducted research.

When the political camp centred on the Law and Justice party
(PiS) came to power in 2015, it led to a change in priorities in Polish foreign policy. The Three Seas Initiative (TSI), understood as closer cooperation between eastern states of the European Union in the area between the Baltic, Adriatic, and Black seas, has become a new instrument of foreign policy. The initiative demonstrates the growing importance of Central and Eastern Europe in the global game of great powers. The region has become a subject of rivalry, not only between the United States and Russia but also China. Therefore, the main objective of this article is to try to describe the importance of the region to Germany and how Germany's stance on the TSI has evolved. The article consists of three parts, an introduction to the issues, the genesis of the TSI, and the definition of goals set by the states participating in this initiative, as well as analysis of the German stance towards the initiative since its development in 2015. The theories of geopolitics and neorealism are used
as the theoretical basis for the analysis.

Due to its historical experience and geopolitical location, the Federal Republic of Germany is a state which uses so-called soft instruments in its foreign policy. Development aid, which has more and more often assumed the form of development cooperation over the years, is one of the most effective foreign policy instruments used by Germany.The purpose of this article is to answer the question of to what extent and in what areas is development policy an effective instrument of German foreign policy? The considerations refer particularly to liberal theory in international relations and, to some extent, to the assumptions of realism. The research methodology adopted is based on analysis of facts and selected documents. The main conclusions from the study confirm the assumption adopted in the introduction that development aid is one of the most important instruments used by Germany to influence the international environment.

The German experience with democracy and the market economy can be particularly valuable for other European countries for at least two reasons. Firstly, after World War II, the Germans effectively and permanently managed to enter the democratic political system based on the market economy. Initially, the economy was implemented only in the western part of the country and since 1990 all over the country. Secondly, after the collapse of the former Soviet bloc, Central European countries greatly benefited from German political solutions. This means that in favourable conditions, these experiences can be a valuable source of inspiration for other countries, especially those in Eastern Europe.This study is a result of research conducted in 2016 as part of the project 'Germany and Russia in a multipolar international order. Strategic vision and potential alliances' with the support of the Foundation for Polish-German Cooperation. It consists of four parts. Part I is an introduction to the issues analysed. Part II shows the genesis and characteristics of the democratic political system of Germany. Part III contains an analysis of the German experience with the implementation of the market economy. In Part IV, the author presents his conclusions of how and to what extent Eastern European countries can use the German experience in reforming their political systems and what conditions they would have to meet.

Defence date: 22 November 2001 ; Examining Board: Richard Breen, EUI (supervisor) ; Prof. Gerald Schneider, University of Konstanz (co-supervisor) ; Prof. Jan Zielonka, EUI ; Prof. Roy Ginsberg, Skidmore College ; First made available online on 25 April 2018 ; This project was formally initiated in September 1997, two and a half months after the Treaty of Amsterdam had been agreed by the EU Heads o f State and Government. The Treaty marked a turning point o f the institutional basis o f European foreign policy. Title V o f the Treaty on European Union was amended, introducing Common Strategies, a new post as High Representative for the CFSP, a Policy Planning and Early Warning Unit, incorporating the Petersberg tasks into the Treaty, opening up for a common defence, the integration o f the Western European Union into the EU, constructive abstention and on some issues also qualified majority voting. Crucial political progress has also taken place in the course o f the last decade or two regarding the creation o f the Common European Security and Defence Policy, the EU's unity o f voice in most international organisations, the increasing use o f economic sanctions, and the rapprochement o f Member State positions in the question of the Middle East Peace Process. The gradual progress o f European foreign policy however stands in sharp contrast with the general perception o f the actual capabilities o f European foreign policy since the beginning of the European Political Cooperation in 1970. The disaster evolving for the European Union's foreign policy ambitions in the Western Balkans throughout the 1990s and the institutional unanimity voting system are only two o f many more illustrations o f this contrasting paralysis. The image o f European foreign policy viewed by this project was thus initially one reflecting the paradox o f simultaneous presence o f progress and paralysis of European foreign policy, cutting across variables and time. Following this image was always the audio o f voices discussing the degree to which EU, Europeans, the West, and the leaders o f our time have been able to learn any lessons from their past failures (or in theory also successes). Not many events were allowed to pass, without hearing the choir o f voices claiming what we have or should have learned from Bosnia, Kosovo, Chechnya, or any other crisis or conflict intervention. Characteristically, these learning claims were formulated in an implicit way and against a seemingly dubious background, assuming everyone to be perfectly aware o f the theoretical or practical justifications for the ability of actors to learn in international relations. As the concept o f learning continued to re-emerge in this relatively vaguely defined manner, the idea thus came to dedicate this project to examine whether learning may explain the image o f the dichotomy o f progress and paralysis o f European foreign policy, what the conditions are for learning to take place, and which lessons may be learned from the past regarding European foreign policy in international relations in theory and in practice.

The principle of non-discrimination lies at the heart of the socio-economic order of the EU, the main parameters of which are sustainable economic growth, price stability, a highly competitive social market economy aiming at full employment and social progress, inclusion and social cohesion, non-discrimination, including equality between women and men and social justice (TEU: art. 3.3). Therefore, the prohibition of discrimination becomes a sine qua non condition for achieving EU treaty goals, strongly correlated with the theory of ordoliberalism. The aim of the article is to analyse the normative way of securing the principle of non-discrimination in EU law in the perspective of ordoliberalism and its implications for Polish law. The authors intend to answer the research question about the extent to which ordoliberal theory had an impact on the development of the principle of non-discrimination, understood as a subjective right to equal treatment, regardless of individual characteristics, other than nationality, through the comparison of relevant provision of EU law and the Polish Labour Code.

Currently, business analytics uses computerized platforms containing ready-made reporting formulas in the field of Business Intelligence. In recent years, software companies supporting enterprise management offer advanced applications of information-analytical Business Intelligence class systems consisting of modular development of these systems and combining business intelligence software with platforms that use data warehouse technology, multi-dimensional analytical processing software and data mining and processing applications. This article describes an example of this type of computerized analytical platform for business entities, which is included in analytical applications that allow quick access to necessary, aggregated and multi-criteria processed information. The software allows entrepreneurs and corporate managers as well as entities from the SME sector on the one hand to use embedded patterns of reports or analyzes, and on the other hand to self-develop and configure analyzes carried out, tailored to the specifics of a specific entity. Such analytical applications make it possible to build integrated risk management systems in the organization.

Intro -- Titelseiten -- Inhalt -- Martin Dahl, Magdalena Lemańczyk, Peter Oliver Loew, Agnieszka Łada-Konefał: Einführung -- Treibende Kraftder deutsch-polnischen Beziehungen: Die Wirtschaft -- Sebastian Płóciennik: Kann es immer nur besser werden? Perspektiven der wirtschaftlichen Zusammenarbeit zwischen Polen und Deutschland -- Matthias Dornfeldt, Urs Unkauf: Die Pipelineprojekte Nord Stream I und II im politisch-medialen Diskurs der deutsch-polnischen Beziehungen: Kontinuitäten und Brüche -- Adrian Chojan: Regionen und Geschäftsleben -Merkmale der deutsch-polnischen Wirtschaftsbeziehungen -- Ewelina Florczak: Die Bedeutung von Investitionen in Fernverkehrsstraßen für die Zusammenarbeit der deutsch-polnischen Grenzgebiete -- Maciej Rogalski: Auswirkungen von EU-Vorschriften und ausländischen Investitionen auf die Entwicklung des Telekommunikationsmarktes in Polen -- Martin Dahl: Die Bilanz von 30 Jahren deutsch-polnischer Wirtschaftsbeziehungen. Eine Zusammenfassung -- Versöhnung und Alltag: Grenznahe Zusammenarbeit -- Elżbieta Opiłowska: Von der Grenze der Versöhnung zur Grenze als Ressource 30 Jahre deutsch-polnische grenzüberschreitende Zusammenarbeit - Versuch einer Bilanz -- Joachim Otto Habeck, Agnieszka Halemba: Direkte Nachbarschaft in der Grenzregion: Erwartungen und Herausforderungen -- Peter Ulrich: Die gesellschaftliche Dimension deutsch-polnischer grenzüberschreitender Zusammenarbeit -- Piotr Andrzejewski: Grenzüberschreitende und regionale Zusammenarbeit zwischen polnischen und deutschen Regionen 30 Jahre nach der Unterzeichnung des Vertrags über gute Nachbarschaft und freundschaftliche Zusammenarbeit -- Wegbereiter der Versöhnung: Die zivilgesellschaftlichen Akteure -- Urszula Pękala: Der Beitrag der katholischen Kirche zur Entwicklung der deutsch-polnischen Beziehungen - historische Perspektive und aktueller Stand.