Suchergebnisse

Incels, or involuntarily celibate men, have been the subject of increasing attention around the world due to their ongoing association with high-profile violence, misogyny, and hateful online content. While prior researchers have focused on online forums as a resource to study incel issues, in my recent work I involved the recruitment and interviewing of incels using a phenomenological approach to better examine their experiences. Given the nature of incel forum discussions in which particularly Asian women were often maligned and degraded, I provide a reflective and reflexive examination of my identities in the context of this research. In this narrative, I describe my personal reactions to hurtful and hateful content and how I have navigated difficult or uncomfortable situations in interviews. I also describe how they have influenced my perspectives and what this means for the future of my work.

One of the great puzzles of electoral politics is how parties that commit mass atrocities in war often win the support of victimized populations to establish the postwar political order. Violent Victors traces how parties derived from violent, wartime belligerents successfully campaign as the best providers of future societal peace, attracting votes not just from their core supporters but oftentimes also from the very people they targeted in war. Drawing on more than two years of groundbreaking fieldwork, Sarah Daly combines case studies of victim voters in Latin America with experimental survey evidence and new data on postwar elections around the world. She argues that, contrary to oft-cited fears, postconflict elections do not necessarily give rise to renewed instability or political violence. Daly demonstrates how war-scarred citizens reward belligerent parties for promising peace and security instead of blaming them for war. Yet, in so casting their ballots, voters sacrifice justice, liberal democracy, and social welfare. Proposing actionable interventions that can help to moderate these trade-offs, Violent Victors links war outcomes with democratic outcomes to shed essential new light on political life after war and offers global perspectives on important questions about electoral behavior in the wake of mass violence.

Cover -- Contents -- List of Illustrations -- Acknowledgments -- List of Abbreviations -- 1. Introduction -- 2. Political Stage, Actors, and Audience -- 3. Violent-Victors Theory of Political Behavior after War -- 4. Postwar Voters and Survey Experiments -- 5. Military Draw in El Salvador -- 6. Government Victory in Guatemala -- 7. Rebel Victory in Nicaragua -- 8. Political Life after War Globally, 1970-2015 -- 9. Implications for Postwar Peace, Justice, Democracy, and Governance -- 10. Conclusion -- Appendix -- Notes -- References -- Index.

1. An Introduction To Criminological Theory And Popular Culture, Paige Parley And Morgan Murphy. 2. Deterrence Theory And Batman: The Dark Knight Of Deterrence, Eric J. Kocian -- 3. Rational Choice Theory And Friends: Rational Decision Making And Friends, Rachel Baumann -- 4. Opportunity Theories And The Bachelor: The Bachelor Goes On A Date With Criminal Opportunity Theories , Cory Schnell -- 5. Opportunity Theories And Super Mario Bros.: Opportunity For Crime In The Mushroom Kingdom: Applying Rational Choice Perspective And Routine Activity Approach To Super Mario Bros., Victoria A. Sytsma -- 6. Routine Activity Theory And 13 Reasons Why: 13 Reasons Why And Routine Activity Theory, Colton D. Robinson -- 7. Self-Control Theory And The Office: "That's What She Said": Michael Scott And Self-Control Theory , Sarah E. Daly And Chad Painter -- 8. General Strain Theory And The White Shadow: Off The Court: Understanding Agnew's General Strain Theory Through Tv's The White Shadow, David Safin -- 9. Anomie And The Purge: Release The Beast: Purging For The American Dream, Andrea R. Borrego -- 10. Social Learning Theory And Mean Girls: "You Can't Sit With Us": An Application Of Social Learning Theory. Kayla G. Jachimowski, Ryan J. Lemmon, And Rachel E. Vanetta -- 11. Labeling Theory And Joker: "Could You Introduce Me As Joker?": An Application Of Labeling Theory To Explain The Creation Of The Clown Prince Of Crime, Shon M. Reed And Breanna Boppre -- 12. Critical Criminology And Hunger Games: Critical Criminology & State Crime In The Hunger Games, Jared M. Hanneman -- 13. Radical Criminology And Star Wars: "I've Got A Bad Feeling About This": Star Wars And Radical Criminology, Andrew Wilczak -- 14. Life Course Theory And Romance: At The Movies: Representation Of Life-Course Criminology And Desistance In Romance Films, Lauren Humby -- 15. Hegemonic Masculinity And Game Of Thrones: "Never Forget Who You Are": Game Of Thrones's Ramsay Bolton, Hegemonic Masculinity, And Structured Action Theory , Jill A. Kehoe -- 16. Collective Efficacy Theory And Mister Rogers' Neighborhood: Strong Communities And Neighborhoods: Collective Efficacy And Mister Rogers' Neighborhood Of Make Believe , Dana Winters And Kristopher Kell.

"This book explores the ways in which we research and respond to active and mass shooting events. It discusses methodological issues, the current body of knowledge about such incidents, police and tactical responses, prevention and intervention techniques, and future directions for research"--

Abstract
Why does fighting recur after some civil conflicts, whereas peace consolidates following others? The untested conventional wisdom is that—absent safeguards—postwar elections are dangerous for peace because electoral losers will reject the election results and remilitarize. New cross-national data on postwar election results and belligerent-level data on remilitarization contest this view. Citizens tend to elect peace because they engage in "security voting"; they elect the party that they deem best able to secure the state, using the war outcome as the heuristic that guides their security vote. Findings indicate that the chance of renewed war increases if there is an inversion in the military balance of power after war, and the war-loser performs poorly in the elections. If, instead, relative military power remains stable, or citizens accurately update their understandings of the postwar power balance, a civil war actor is unlikely to remilitarize if it loses the election. Knowing when and how these belligerent electoral actors choose to either sustain or break the peace informs important theoretical and policy debates on how to harness democracy's benefits while mitigating its risks.

AbstractHow do politicians with coercive linkages govern? This article relies on original data on militia-linked mayors in Colombia from 1988 to 2015 derived from 42,000 pages of Colombian Supreme Court sentencing documents. Using a regression discontinuity design, it examines the governance records of militia-tied mayors who won the elections by a narrow margin. It finds that being ruled by a militia-linked mayor significantly reduces levels of insecurity and crime, but has pernicious effects on the provision of other public goods, especially education. I theorize that these politicians' (perverse) comparative advantage on security, combined with their crowding out of social spending, engenders these outcomes. I evaluate these mechanisms with data on the nature of paramilitary–mayor alliances, police reinforcements, municipal budgets, politicians' Twitter feeds, and in-depth interviews with paramilitary commanders and politicians. The article has implications for understanding the effects of voting for politicians with coercive ties on the quality of governance and democracy.

Around the world, following civil wars, rebel and government belligerents contest and win the founding postwar elections. Despite the prevalence of these elections and their importance in setting post-conflict environments on specific political trajectories, their outcomes have been understudied. Existing scholarship centers on the timing and institutions of the postwar elections, but not on their party and voter participants. This article introduces a dataset which traces the postwar political trajectories of civil war belligerents, identifies their successor parties, charts their electoral performance, and documents their decision to remilitarize or demilitarize. The Civil War Successor Party (CWSP) dataset covers all belligerents that have transitioned from civil conflict in the period 1970–2015. The article describes the contours of the dataset, reveals patterns of political life after wars, and outlines the potential uses of the dataset for future research. In particular, it suggests how the data may be leveraged by scholars and practitioners to understand dynamics of political behavior, patterns of governance and public goods provision, quality of democracy, and recurrence of low- and high-intensity war in the aftermath of mass violence.

Around the world, following civil wars, rebel and government belligerents contest and win the founding postwar elections. Despite the prevalence of these elections and their importance in setting post-conflict environments on specific political trajectories, their outcomes have been understudied. Existing scholarship centers on the timing and institutions of the postwar elections, but not on their party and voter participants. This article introduces a dataset which traces the postwar political trajectories of civil war belligerents, identifies their successor parties, charts their electoral performance, and documents their decision to remilitarize or demilitarize. The Civil War Successor Party (CWSP) dataset covers all belligerents that have transitioned from civil conflict in the period 1970–2015. The article describes the contours of the dataset, reveals patterns of political life after wars, and outlines the potential uses of the dataset for future research. In particular, it suggests how the data may be leveraged by scholars and practitioners to understand dynamics of political behavior, patterns of governance and public goods provision, quality of democracy, and recurrence of low- and high-intensity war in the aftermath of mass violence.

AbstractWhy do citizens elect political actors who have perpetrated violence against the civilian population? Despite their use of atrocities, political parties with deep roots in the belligerent organizations of the past win postwar democratic elections in countries around the world. This article uses new, cross-national data on postwar elections globally between 1970 and 2010, as well as voting, survey, archival, and interview data from El Salvador. It finds that belligerents' varied electoral success after wars can be explained not by their wartime levels of violence or use of electoral coercion, but by the distribution of military power at the end of conflict. It argues that militarily stronger belligerents are able to claim credit for peace, which translates into a reputation for competence on the provision of security. This enables them to own the security valence issue, which tends to crosscut cleavages, and to appeal to swing voters. The stronger belligerents' provision of security serves to offset and justify their use of atrocities, rendering their election rational. This article sheds light on political life after episodes of violence. It also contributes to understanding security voting and offers insights into why people vote in seemingly counterintuitive ways.

This article draws on original survey data of 10,951 Colombian ex-paramilitaries to study the determinants of victimizers' support for transitional justice. Understanding ex-combatants' attitudes toward victims of the conflict and measures of justice is critical to gaining leverage on when transitional justice is likely to prove effective. The data suggest that former fighters' views of transitional justice are shaped by the intimacy with which they experience transitional justice: whether they are known to, in close proximity, and accepted by the communities they victimized. Their attitudes are also constrained by the norms of justice in which they have been socialized, and by the extent of the risks to them personally: in judicial terms given their own culpability and in security terms given their vulnerability to retribution. The study has important implications for the prospects of successful transitional justice with the FARC rebels and for the consolidation of peace in Colombia.