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Building on the latest scholarship in the nationalism-economy nexus studies, the article examines how nationalism inhabits other ideologies in the economic realm. Firstly, the article presents the latest strands in the nationalism-economy nexus research, namely compatibility between economy and nationalism understood as ideology. Then, using Foucault's concept of governmentality, the article shows how the two phenomena are compatible on the theoretical level. Going further, the article connects the latest nationalism-economy nexus scholarship with existing literature on national neoliberalism in the post-socialist Baltic states. The article argues that national neoliberalism in the Baltics provides an example of what the compatibility of nationalism and economy may look like in practice. The Baltic states' Soviet experience encouraged their elites to undertake radical neoliberal reforms, in which the processes of nation-state and market economy building overlapped. The states were built to create the markets which would in turn guarantee the prosperity of their respective nations. The article juxtaposes different, yet related scholarships and provides a basic theoretical toolkit that could facilitate potential inquiries into the nationalism-economy nexus in Lithuania and abroad.

Building on the latest scholarship in the nationalism-economy nexus studies, the arti cle examines how nationalism inhabits other ideologies in the economic realm. First ly, the article presents the latest strands in the nationalism-economy nexus research, namely compatibility between economy and nationalism understood as ideology. Then, using Foucault's concept of governmentality, the article shows how the two phe nomena are compatible on the theoretical level. Going further, the article connects the latest nationalism-economy nexus scholarship with existing literature on national neoliberalism in the post-socialist Baltic states. The article argues that national neo liberalism in the Baltics provides an example of what the compatibility of nationalism and economy may look like in practice. The Baltic states' Soviet experience encour aged their elites to undertake radical neoliberal reforms, in which the processes of na tion-state and market economy building overlapped. The states were built to create the markets which would in turn guarantee the prosperity of their respective nations. The article juxtaposes different, yet related scholarships and provides a basic theoretical toolkit that could facilitate potential inquiries into the nationalism-economy nexus in Lithuania and a

Building on the latest scholarship in the nationalism-economy nexus studies, the arti cle examines how nationalism inhabits other ideologies in the economic realm. First ly, the article presents the latest strands in the nationalism-economy nexus research, namely compatibility between economy and nationalism understood as ideology. Then, using Foucault's concept of governmentality, the article shows how the two phe nomena are compatible on the theoretical level. Going further, the article connects the latest nationalism-economy nexus scholarship with existing literature on national neoliberalism in the post-socialist Baltic states. The article argues that national neo liberalism in the Baltics provides an example of what the compatibility of nationalism and economy may look like in practice. The Baltic states' Soviet experience encour aged their elites to undertake radical neoliberal reforms, in which the processes of na tion-state and market economy building overlapped. The states were built to create the markets which would in turn guarantee the prosperity of their respective nations. The article juxtaposes different, yet related scholarships and provides a basic theoretical toolkit that could facilitate potential inquiries into the nationalism-economy nexus in Lithuania and a

Building on the latest scholarship in the nationalism-economy nexus studies, the arti cle examines how nationalism inhabits other ideologies in the economic realm. First ly, the article presents the latest strands in the nationalism-economy nexus research, namely compatibility between economy and nationalism understood as ideology. Then, using Foucault's concept of governmentality, the article shows how the two phe nomena are compatible on the theoretical level. Going further, the article connects the latest nationalism-economy nexus scholarship with existing literature on national neoliberalism in the post-socialist Baltic states. The article argues that national neo liberalism in the Baltics provides an example of what the compatibility of nationalism and economy may look like in practice. The Baltic states' Soviet experience encour aged their elites to undertake radical neoliberal reforms, in which the processes of na tion-state and market economy building overlapped. The states were built to create the markets which would in turn guarantee the prosperity of their respective nations. The article juxtaposes different, yet related scholarships and provides a basic theoretical toolkit that could facilitate potential inquiries into the nationalism-economy nexus in Lithuania and a

Building on the latest scholarship in the nationalism-economy nexus studies, the arti cle examines how nationalism inhabits other ideologies in the economic realm. First ly, the article presents the latest strands in the nationalism-economy nexus research, namely compatibility between economy and nationalism understood as ideology. Then, using Foucault's concept of governmentality, the article shows how the two phe nomena are compatible on the theoretical level. Going further, the article connects the latest nationalism-economy nexus scholarship with existing literature on national neoliberalism in the post-socialist Baltic states. The article argues that national neo liberalism in the Baltics provides an example of what the compatibility of nationalism and economy may look like in practice. The Baltic states' Soviet experience encour aged their elites to undertake radical neoliberal reforms, in which the processes of na tion-state and market economy building overlapped. The states were built to create the markets which would in turn guarantee the prosperity of their respective nations. The article juxtaposes different, yet related scholarships and provides a basic theoretical toolkit that could facilitate potential inquiries into the nationalism-economy nexus in Lithuania and a

The article analyses the policy of Lithuanian national minorities in the context of the country's social policy, using M. Foucault's post-structuralist, deconstructive governmentality approach. The advantage of this approach is that it allows to analyse the governing of people, populations, or certain population groups through interrelated governmental rationales and technologies (Foucault 1991). One of the possible elements of social policy – education policy of national minorities – is analysed paying special attention a governmental technique called "self-responsibilisation" of individuals, characteristic of neoliberal type of governmentality. The article defines the welfare state as the state's desire to ensure the welfare and security of its citizens and asks how much responsibility the Lithuanian state has assumed for the education of national minorities and how much it tried to transfer this responsibility to the national minorities themselves over the years of independence. It is also argued that at the beginning of independence, education of national minorities was influenced by the conservative welfare model fostered at the time (formation of a network of Lithuanian and national minority schools of different subordination in the Vilnius region, when the former are controlled by the central government and the later by the local government dominated by national minority politicians), but in the second decade of independence education was reached by general tendencies of liberalization of the country's welfare model (optimization of the school network for efficiency and quality first for individuals and less for the collectives).

The article analyses the policy of Lithuanian national minorities in the context of the country's social policy, using M. Foucault's post-structuralist, deconstructive governmentality approach. The advantage of this approach is that it allows to analyse the governing of people, populations, or certain population groups through interrelated governmental rationales and technologies (Foucault 1991). One of the possible elements of social policy – education policy of national minorities – is analysed paying special attention a governmental technique called "self-responsibilisation" of individuals, characteristic of neoliberal type of governmentality. The article defines the welfare state as the state's desire to ensure the welfare and security of its citizens and asks how much responsibility the Lithuanian state has assumed for the education of national minorities and how much it tried to transfer this responsibility to the national minorities themselves over the years of independence. It is also argued that at the beginning of independence, education of national minorities was influenced by the conservative welfare model fostered at the time (formation of a network of Lithuanian and national minority schools of different subordination in the Vilnius region, when the former are controlled by the central government and the later by the local government dominated by national minority politicians), but in the second decade of independence education was reached by general tendencies of liberalization of the country's welfare model (optimization of the school network for efficiency and quality first for individuals and less for the collectives).

The article analyses the policy of Lithuanian national minorities in the context of the country's social policy, using M. Foucault's post-structuralist, deconstructive governmentality approach. The advantage of this approach is that it allows to analyse the governing of people, populations, or certain population groups through interrelated governmental rationales and technologies (Foucault 1991). One of the possible elements of social policy – education policy of national minorities – is analysed paying special attention a governmental technique called "self-responsibilisation" of individuals, characteristic of neoliberal type of governmentality. The article defines the welfare state as the state's desire to ensure the welfare and security of its citizens and asks how much responsibility the Lithuanian state has assumed for the education of national minorities and how much it tried to transfer this responsibility to the national minorities themselves over the years of independence. It is also argued that at the beginning of independence, education of national minorities was influenced by the conservative welfare model fostered at the time (formation of a network of Lithuanian and national minority schools of different subordination in the Vilnius region, when the former are controlled by the central government and the later by the local government dominated by national minority politicians), but in the second decade of independence education was reached by general tendencies of liberalization of the country's welfare model (optimization of the school network for efficiency and quality first for individuals and less for the collectives).

The article analyses the policy of Lithuanian national minorities in the context of the country's social policy, using M. Foucault's post-structuralist, deconstructive governmentality approach. The advantage of this approach is that it allows to analyse the governing of people, populations, or certain population groups through interrelated governmental rationales and technologies (Foucault 1991). One of the possible elements of social policy – education policy of national minorities – is analysed paying special attention a governmental technique called "self-responsibilisation" of individuals, characteristic of neoliberal type of governmentality. The article defines the welfare state as the state's desire to ensure the welfare and security of its citizens and asks how much responsibility the Lithuanian state has assumed for the education of national minorities and how much it tried to transfer this responsibility to the national minorities themselves over the years of independence. It is also argued that at the beginning of independence, education of national minorities was influenced by the conservative welfare model fostered at the time (formation of a network of Lithuanian and national minority schools of different subordination in the Vilnius region, when the former are controlled by the central government and the later by the local government dominated by national minority politicians), but in the second decade of independence education was reached by general tendencies of liberalization of the country's welfare model (optimization of the school network for efficiency and quality first for individuals and less for the collectives).

[full article and abstract in English]
Using the methods of critical discourse analysis, this article analyzes the TV program Mission: Vilnija as an example designed to fight stereotypes about Lithuanian national minorities. The article shows how instead of improving inter-group relations, the program helps to ensure the status quo of unequal intergroup relations between the Lithuanian majority and the country's national minorities. The case analysis supports the argument that if the idea of parasocial contact and prejudice reduction is built upon non-reflected, biased premises, it will not eliminate these forms of prejudice but will only preserve and/or reinforce them.

[full article and abstract in English]
Using the methods of critical discourse analysis, this article analyzes the TV program Mission: Vilnija as an example designed to fight stereotypes about Lithuanian national minorities. The article shows how instead of improving inter-group relations, the program helps to ensure the status quo of unequal intergroup relations between the Lithuanian majority and the country's national minorities. The case analysis supports the argument that if the idea of parasocial contact and prejudice reduction is built upon non-reflected, biased premises, it will not eliminate these forms of prejudice but will only preserve and/or reinforce them.

This article focuses on the evolution of Polish minority responses to Lithuanian minority policies in the post-EU-accession period. State-minority conflicts in Lithuania have not generated violence or minority radicalization, despite continuing discontent among members of the state's Polish minority (which constitutes Lithuania's largest ethnic minority population) and the failure of the Lithuanian state to resolve the causes of discontent. Employing Smooha's concept of ethnic democracy, the article addresses this puzzle through an ethnographic exploration of the views held by members of the Polish minority about the Lithuanian state's policies of nation-building. The findings reveal a diverse set of critical perceptions among Poles in Lithuania, which emphasize the ineffectiveness of state policies in addressing minority needs. However, a shared perception of threat from Russia, generated after the Russian annexation of Crimea in 2014, helps to sustain the regime's stability and its strategy of stalling the resolution of minority concerns.

This article focuses on the evolution of Polish minority responses to Lithuanian minority policies in the post-EU-accession period. State-minority conflicts in Lithuania have not generated violence or minority radicalization, despite continuing discontent among members of the state's Polish minority (which constitutes Lithuania's largest ethnic minority population) and the failure of the Lithuanian state to resolve the causes of discontent. Employing Smooha's concept of ethnic democracy, the article addresses this puzzle through an ethnographic exploration of the views held by members of the Polish minority about the Lithuanian state's policies of nation-building. The findings reveal a diverse set of critical perceptions among Poles in Lithuania, which emphasize the ineffectiveness of state policies in addressing minority needs. However, a shared perception of threat from Russia, generated after the Russian annexation of Crimea in 2014, helps to sustain the regime's stability and its strategy of stalling the resolution of minority concerns.

This article focuses on the evolution of Polish minority responses to Lithuanian minority policies in the post-EU-accession period. State-minority conflicts in Lithuania have not generated violence or minority radicalization, despite continuing discontent among members of the state's Polish minority (which constitutes Lithuania's largest ethnic minority population) and the failure of the Lithuanian state to resolve the causes of discontent. Employing Smooha's concept of ethnic democracy, the article addresses this puzzle through an ethnographic exploration of the views held by members of the Polish minority about the Lithuanian state's policies of nation-building. The findings reveal a diverse set of critical perceptions among Poles in Lithuania, which emphasize the ineffectiveness of state policies in addressing minority needs. However, a shared perception of threat from Russia, generated after the Russian annexation of Crimea in 2014, helps to sustain the regime's stability and its strategy of stalling the resolution of minority concerns.

This article focuses on the evolution of Polish minority responses to Lithuanian minority policies in the post-EU-accession period. State-minority conflicts in Lithuania have not generated violence or minority radicalization, despite continuing discontent among members of the state's Polish minority (which constitutes Lithuania's largest ethnic minority population) and the failure of the Lithuanian state to resolve the causes of discontent. Employing Smooha's concept of ethnic democracy, the article addresses this puzzle through an ethnographic exploration of the views held by members of the Polish minority about the Lithuanian state's policies of nation-building. The findings reveal a diverse set of critical perceptions among Poles in Lithuania, which emphasize the ineffectiveness of state policies in addressing minority needs. However, a shared perception of threat from Russia, generated after the Russian annexation of Crimea in 2014, helps to sustain the regime's stability and its strategy of stalling the resolution of minority concerns.