Die folgenden Links führen aus den jeweiligen lokalen Bibliotheken zum Volltext:
Alternativ können Sie versuchen, selbst über Ihren lokalen Bibliothekskatalog auf das gewünschte Dokument zuzugreifen.
Bei Zugriffsproblemen kontaktieren Sie uns gern.
19 Ergebnisse
Sortierung:
Conceptual framework -- Left-wing Populism -- New identitarian approach -- Forerunners of Populism -- Ideal-typical Populism -- Populism of government -- Presidential Populism -- Others leftist Populisms -- Inside. Internal dimension -- Outside. External dimension.
In: Link 3
In: Contemporary Italian politics, Band 13, Heft 1, S. 116-117
ISSN: 2324-8831
In: PArtecipazione e COnflitto: PACO = PArticipation and COnflict, Heft 3, S. 54-76
ISSN: 2035-6609
"This book provides a comparative analysis and a systemic categorization of the Populist Radical Left Parties (PRLPs) in Western Europe. So far, the topics of populism and radical left have often been dealt with separately. The innovation of this work lies in the attempt to link the two above-mentioned categories in order to provide a definition of European PRLPs and to highlight their peculiarities. By combining theoretical analysis with empirical evidence, this book studies the process of transition to populism involving several European radical left parties. The author conducted interviews with national party secretaries, party leaders and Members of Parliament of the main PRLPs, and analyses a range of case studies including Podemos (Spain), Syriza (Greece), France insoumise (France), Party of Democratic Socialism and Die Linke (Germany), Socialist Party (Netherland), Workers' Party of Belgium (Belgium) and Sinn Féin (Ireland)"--
In: PARTECIPAZIONE E CONFLITTO; Vol. 12, No. 1 (2019). Special Issue on: Students' Activism; 197-216
Since the Nineties the crisis of traditional political families has become particularly intense in the democracies of Southern Europe, with an increase in electoral volatility, the contraction of party membership, and crises of confidence as well as of electoral consensus. In these democracies, alongside the traditional parties of the twentieth century, a generation of new political parties was born that reject the right/left division, politicizing a new cleavage between the low and the high of society, or – better – between the people and the elite. In Spain and Italy, the anti-political-establishment supply side is provided expecially by two new movement-parties, Podemos and the Five Star Movement. This article focuses on the comparison between these two new political parties, highlighting differences and analogies in terms of policy, identity, and organization. The research hypothesis developed in this paper refers to the different form and identity in which populism is expressed in the two national cases. From the methodological point of view, the comparison between the two parties will be conducted through the analysis of the text of the electoral programs of the two different political organizations in the European elections in the period running from 2014 to 2017.
BASE
In: PARTECIPAZIONE E CONFLITTO; Vol. 8, No. 1 (2015). Special issue: New Perspectives on Party Politics; 241-262
The new form of the social and political conflict cannot be explained by the traditional categories of right and left, but it articulates to them on two plans, that of the establishment, intended like plan of the structured political conflict from the traditional actors, and that of the anti-establishment, in which new representations of politics emerge. The New Left is characterized by type of intermittent participation and new perspectives on mobilization inside the parties and the social movements. This type of parties differs moreover from the traditional ones left of the socialist and social democratic left in not arranging of organizations collaterals placed under the direction of the leadership of the same party. The mobilization that spontaneously assumes not conventional forms of active participation of the citizens, or is primed by the action of an associative network of which the same parties take part, than however does not monopo-lize the collective action. In this regard, the attention will be dedicated to the study of Die Linke: an anti-establishment party of the non-socialist German left-wing, heir to the communist tradition. The choice was affected to the German model because: 1) Germany is a country with a strong social democratic tradition, but 25 years after the fall of the Berlin Wall the German political system identifies a new antagonist political party; 2) Die Linke represents an interesting case in the political landscape of the European radical left because is a one-party that gives up at the federation of parties to try to unify the political parties of German radical left-wing.
BASE
In: Communist and post-communist studies, Band 49, Heft 4, S. 313-321
ISSN: 0967-067X
This article examines the political transformations experienced by the Communist Party and the evolution of the radical left in France in the twenty-five years after 1989. Interpreting the Communist Party and Left Front as anti-establishment, that is, opposed to the political elite, but pro-system parties that are not interested in changing the nature of democratic governance. The peculiarities of French communism and its political philosophy are illustrated. Finally, this study considers the constituent process of the Front. At the beginning of the 21st century, the Front plays the role of a political federation to the left of the Socialist Party with positive electoral results.
In: Communist and post-communist studies: an international interdisciplinary journal, Band 49, Heft 4, S. 313-321
ISSN: 0967-067X
World Affairs Online
In: Communist and post-communist studies: an international interdisciplinary journal
ISSN: 0967-067X
In: Rubbettino Università
In: PARTECIPAZIONE E CONFLITTO; Vol. 8, No. 1 (2015). Special issue: New Perspectives on Party Politics; 1-34
The crisis of political parties in contemporary societies and democracies is composed of differ-ent points of views, that require a joint effort for social and political science to try to understand the changing relationship between citizens and parties. Compared to the political mass models, which are typ-ical of the second half of the twentieth century, parties undergo deep processes of transformation. The beginning of a critical season for the traditional forms of political organization goes back to those years; and this critical season can be configured as ideological, organizational and institutional. Between the twentieth and twenty-first century, the political parties has strengthened the structure of their political organization and the weight of their parliamentary activities within the institutions, becoming more and more «state-centered parties», characterized by the progressive reduction of the forms of territorial set-tlement and the growth of the importance of central organisms and the representatives of the assemblies, especially those elected in national parliaments. This results in significant changes of the organizational model and their political functions. In the face of these changes, will the parties still remain a key player for the functioning of contemporary democracy? We will focus on three fundamental steps: the analysis of the creation process of parties and of their function; the description of the most recent perspectives in political parties; the analysis of the relationship between the personalisation of politics and the passage to leader democracy.
BASE