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The main goal of this essay is to provide an in-depth analysis of the trajectory of the Colourful Revolution (CR) in North Macedonia as a social movement. From a more general perspective, the paper engages with the growing interest in the literature that explores the correlation between social movements and democratisation processes, especially in societies that fall into the category of hybrid regimes. The Colourful Revolution is a good example of a protest movement that has created effective regime change. It presented a complex social movement encompassing many fragmented social and political groups gathered around the idea of a common adversary. Additionally, the Colourful Revolution has one particularity: it is a social movement that has undergone a full developmental circle – formation through utilization of political opportunity frameworks, a period of activity and success and dissolution. Drawing on literature of the political process, opportunity frameworks and cycles of social movements, the paper argues that social movements such as the Colourful Revolution are not just temporary and unstable structures but are also highly dependent on the existence of a common target of the social activism in question. The removal from power of political actors that have been the reason for mobilisation of a complex and diverse network of social and political activism resulted in an absence of an adhesive factor holding together all the parts of this complex system. The absence initiated gradual discord and dissolution of different factions within the social movement (CR in this case) and reveals its true nature – temporary, ideologically diverse, conflictual, and even undemocratic in some respects. ; Glavni cilj ovog rada jeste da pruži detaljnu analizu putanje Šarene revolucije (ŠR) u Severnoj Makedoniji kao društvenog pokreta. Iz opštije perspektive, rad se bavi rastućim interesovanjem za literaturu koja istražuje korelaciju između društvenih pokreta i procesa demokratizacije, pogotovo u društvima koja spadaju u kategoriju hibridnih režima. Šarena revolucija predstavlja dobar primer protestnog pokreta koji je stvorio efektivnu promenu režima. Predstavljala je, tačnije, složen društveni pokret koji je obuhvatio mnoge fragmentirane društvene i političke grupe koje su se okupile oko ideje postojanja zajedničkog protivnika. Povrh ovoga, Šarena revolucija ima jednu posebnost. To je, naime, društveni pokret koji je prošao pun razvojni krug: formiranje kroz korišćenje političkih prilika, period aktivnosti i uspeha, te period raspada. Oslanjajući se na literaturu o političkom procesu, okvirima mogućnosti i ciklusima društvenih pokreta, u ovom radu se tvrdi da društveni pokreti poput Šarene revolucije nisu samo privremene i nestabilne strukture, već da oni u značajnoj meri zavise od postojanja zajedničke mete društvenog aktivizma. Uklanjanje sa vlasti političkih aktera koji su bili razlog za mobilizaciju složene i raznolike mreže društvenog i političkog aktivizma rezultiralo je odsustvom spajajućeg faktora koji drži na okupu sve delove ovog složenog sistema. Ovo odsustvo pokrenulo je postepeni razdor i raspadanje različitih frakcija unutar društvenog pokreta (u ovom slučaju ŠR), te je otkrilo njegovu pravu prirodu – privremenu, ideološki raznoliku, konfliktnu, pa čak i nedemokratsku u nekim aspektima.

The main goal of this essay is to provide an in-depth analysis of the
trajectory of the Colourful Revolution (CR) in North Macedonia as a social
movement. From a more general perspective, the paper engages with the
growing interest in the literature that explores the correlation between
social movements and democratisation processes, especially in societies that
fall into the category of hybrid regimes. The Colourful Revolution is a good
example of a protest movement that has created effective regime change. It
presented a complex social movement encompassing many fragmented social and
political groups gathered around the idea of a common adversary.
Additionally, the Colourful Revolution has one particularity: it is a social
movement that has undergone a full developmental circle - formation through
utilization of political opportunity frameworks, a period of activity and
success and dissolution. Drawing on literature of the political process,
opportunity frameworks and cycles of social movements, the paper argues that
social movements such as the Colourful Revolution are not just temporary and
unstable structures but are also highly dependent on the existence of a
common target of the social activism in question. The removal from power of
political actors that have been the reason for mobilisation of a complex and
diverse network of social and political activism resulted in an absence of
an adhesive factor holding together all the parts of this complex system.
The absence initiated gradual discord and dissolution of different factions
within the social movement (CR in this case) and reveals its true nature -
temporary, ideologically diverse, conflictual, and even undemocratic in some
respects.

This article focuses on the relation between EU leverage and domestic elites related to the differential impact of conditionality in the case of the Republic of North Macedonia. The main focus is on the influence of the low credibility of the membership perspective on the effectiveness of EU political conditionality in North Macedonia. Additionally, it examines to what extent the legitimacy of the process is determined by domestic factors. The domestic political elites strategically raise the domestic costs to the level where Europeanization becomes a highly costly process and external influences such as political isolation or rewards given in the process seem to have very weak results. The article introduces the concept of the "leverage trap" – a political discourse devised by domestic political elites apropos the EU, in turn used to increase the leverage of political elites domestically and to present the EU as an impotent actor.

"Im Jahr 2001 stellte Makedonien seinen EU-Beitrittsantrag, vier Jahre später erhielt das Land den Kandidatenstatus. Sowohl die politische Elite als auch große Teile der Bevölkerung verbinden viele Hoffnungen mit der EU-Mitgliedschaft. Gleichzeitig herrscht aber auch das Bewusstsein, dass diese kein Allheilmittel gegen die größten Probleme des Landes wie Arbeitslosigkeit und Korruption sein wird." (Autorenreferat)