Policing the Second Amendment
In: Political science quarterly: a nonpartisan journal devoted to the study and analysis of government, politics and international affairs ; PSQ, Band 136, Heft 3, S. 594-596
ISSN: 1538-165X
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In: Political science quarterly: a nonpartisan journal devoted to the study and analysis of government, politics and international affairs ; PSQ, Band 136, Heft 3, S. 594-596
ISSN: 1538-165X
In: International organization, Band 72, Heft 2, S. 387–421
ISSN: 1531-5088
World Affairs Online
In: Perspectives on politics, Band 15, Heft 3, S. 918-920
ISSN: 1541-0986
In: International Organization, Forthcoming
SSRN
Working paper
In: European journal of international relations, Band 22, Heft 3, S. 512-535
ISSN: 1460-3713
Human rights scholars and activists have often been criticized for being "principled" rather than "pragmatic" actors in international politics. Rarely, though, is such criticism accompanied by a discussion of what pragmatism means, or what pragmatic action looks like. This article conceptually traces and defines three aspects of pragmatism — philosophical, methodological, and political — that might be applied to the global human rights discourse. The article then outlines how these aspects can help resolve debates over human rights beliefs, scientific inquiry, and political action. I argue, first, that critics of human rights do not adequately develop the concept of human rights pragmatism, and then I make the case using examples that human rights discourse already lends itself toward a pragmatic train of thought. The implication of this analysis is that the "pragmatist" critique of human rights actors is, at minimum, unfounded and, at maximum, a mask for more pessimistic anti-rights positions.
In: European journal of international relations, Band 22, Heft 3, S. 512-535
ISSN: 1354-0661
World Affairs Online
In: American journal of international law: AJIL, Band 111, Heft 3, S. 689-723
ISSN: 2161-7953
The International Criminal Court (ICC) is controversial, acutely so in Africa. The first thirty-nine people it indicted were all African. It did not open any formal investigations outside Africa until the 2016 decision to investigate conduct related to the 2008 Georgia-Russia war. The first three notifications of withdrawal from the ICC Statute, each made in 2016, were by Burundi, South Africa, and Gambia. While South Africa and Zambia reversed their initial intentions, Burundi in fact became the first state party to withdraw from the ICC in October 2017. These maneuvers are closely connected to country-specific political and legal considerations, but they overlap with concerns expressed by governments in other countries including Kenya and Namibia. Among these concerns is that "the ICC has become the greatest threat to Africa's sovereignty, peace and stability," and that "the ICC is a colonial institution under the guise of international justice."
In: International studies quarterly: the journal of the International Studies Association, Band 60, Heft 1, S. 173-188
ISSN: 0020-8833, 1079-1760
World Affairs Online
In: International studies quarterly: the journal of the International Studies Association, S. n/a-n/a
ISSN: 1468-2478
In: American Journal of International Law, 2017, Forthcoming
SSRN
In: New York University journal of international law & politics, Band 44, Heft 3, S. 751-790
ISSN: 0028-7873
In: American political science review, Band 118, Heft 1, S. 252-273
ISSN: 1537-5943
Where is the human rights discourse most resonant? We use aggregated cross-national Google search data to test two divergent accounts of why human rights appeal to some populations but not others. The top-down model predicts that nationwide interest in human rights is attributable mainly to external factors such as foreign direct investment, transnational NGO campaigns, or international legalization, whereas the bottom-up model highlights the importance of internal factors such as economic growth and persistent repression. We find more evidence for the latter model: not only is interest in human rights more concentrated in the Global South, but the discourse is also most resonant where people face regular state violence. In drawing these inferences, this article confronts high-level debates over whether human rights will remain relevant in the future, and whether the discourse still animates counter-hegemonic modes of resistance. The answer to both questions, our research suggests, is "yes."
In: Comparative political studies: CPS, Band 55, Heft 4, S. 555-587
ISSN: 1552-3829
World Affairs Online
In: Comparative political studies: CPS, Band 55, Heft 4, S. 555-587
ISSN: 1552-3829
This article presents and tests an original theory that truth commissions (TCs) inspire democratic behaviors, but have little discernible impact on democratic institutions. Using quantitative analyses of countries undergoing transitions between 1970 and 2015, and accounting for endogeneity of TCs, we find that these temporary bodies are associated with greater democratic participation and state agent observance of physical integrity rights. However, they have no measurable effect on institutions like fair elections, rules regulating political association, liberal checks on the executive, or judicial independence. This contradicts a key argument in the transitional justice literature that TCs catalyze institutional reform through investigation and extensive recommendations. This article's findings might encourage those who intend to use these bodies as a tool to promote citizen activism or police restraint. However, the findings might discourage those who hope TCs could jump-start judicial reforms or create a firewall against executive overreach.
In: Journal of Peace Research 55:1 (2018) 47-61
SSRN