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Frontmatter -- Inhalt -- 1. Einleitung -- 2.1 Sozio-historische vs. kritische vs. linguistische Diskursanalyse -- 2.2 Rhetorik: Ethos, Pathos, Logos -- 2.3 Politolinguistik -- 3.1 Argentinien -- 3.2 Brasilien -- 3.3 Mexiko -- 4.1 Was ist Populismus? -- 4.2 Die Merkmale des Populismus -- 4.3 Die Geschichte des Populismus und die Bedeutung der historischen Situierung -- 4.4 Der klassische Populismus Lateinamerikas -- 4.5 Perón, Vargas, Cárdenas – die klassischen Populisten Lateinamerikas -- 5.1 Morphosyntax -- 5.2 Lexikologie und lexikalische Pragmatik -- 5.3 Kognitive Semantik -- 5.4 Kognitive Pragmatik -- 5.5 Informale Logik als Logos der Rhetorik -- 6.1 Juan Perón: 31. August 1955 – Plaza de Mayo in Buenos Aires: »Cuando uno de los nuestros caiga, caerán cinco de ellos.« -- 6.2 Getúlio Vargas: 1. Mai 1951 – Estádio do Vasco da Gama in Rio de Janeiro: Discurso no Dia do Trabalho -- 6.3 Lázaro Cárdenas: 22. Dezember 1935 – Plaza de la Constitución (Zócalo) in Mexiko-Stadt: Discurso a los trabajadores del país -- 7. Konklusion -- Literaturverzeichnis aus Geschichts- und Politikwissenschaften -- Literaturverzeichnis aus Sprachwissenschaft, Rhetorik und Argumentationstheorie

Paul Danler nimmt sich dem klassischen Populismus Lateinamerikas in einem Dreischritt an: Zunächst beleuchtet er die Ursprünge des Populismus, ergründet und porträtiert daraufhin den klassischen Populismus Lateinamerikas, um schließlich der Frage nach allgemeinen Merkmalen des Populismus nachzugehen. Dabei gewährt die Politolinguistik als Untersuchungsmethode - die in ihrem Ansatz Interessen und Analysestrategien der Politik- und Sprachwissenschaft kombiniert - sowie als moderne und aufschlussreiche Teildisziplin der angewandten Linguistik völlig neue Einblicke in die Mechanismen der Sprache der Politik.

An orator tries to turn his/her personal point of view into a generally accepted one using a variety of rhetorical means; one of which is argumentation. However, since the relationship between rhetoric and argumentation is somewhat controversial, I will first of all try to identify the role of argumentation within rhetoric. After that, I will briefly discuss the nature of a wide range of argumentation schemes. Arguments have been classified in different ways. One very convincing and effective way is that suggested by Kienpointner. I will present his typology, which will afterwards serve as basis for my empirical analysis of an important speech given by Hitler on February 1st, 1933. I have identified ten groups of argumentative structures in this speech, which will be discussed and illustrated by numerous examples. My main concern of the analysis is the pragmatic aspect of the political speech. The key question is what changes for the audience after listening to that speech? The audience gets new information or maybe familiar information but from a new point of view, and this will have some influence on the audience's future outlook.

This article is in the first place about the syntactic variants allowing for the elimination of those complements whichdoappear in active as opposed to passive, in causative as opposed to recessive and in personal as opposed to impersonal constructions in Italian (and other Romance languages). In the second place we will have a close look at why and when these variants seem to be preferably used in political speeches. On many occasions the political orator obviously opts not to state explicitly who the agent responsible for an action is and therefore linguistically resorts to a passive, a recessive or an impersonal construction. Our theses will be supported by excerpts from speeches by Mussolini, delivered between 1938 and 1944. Mussolini's personality must have been an extremely complex and contradictory one. It is, among other things, these diathetical variants allowing for the elimination of complements which made it possible for him to conceal from his audiences how far he was away from his original socialist ideals once he was in power.

This article is in the first place about the syntactic variants allowing for the elimination of those complements which do appear in active as opposed to passive, in causative as opposed to recessive & in personal as opposed to impersonal constructions in Italian (& other Romance languages). In the second place we will have a close look at why & when these variants seem to be preferably used in political speeches. On many occasions the political orator obviously opts not to state explicitly who the agent responsible for an action is & therefore linguistically resorts to a passive, a recessive or an impersonal construction. Our theses will be supported by excerpts from speeches by Mussolini, delivered between 1938 & 1944. Mussolini's personality must have been an extremely complex & contradictory one. It is, among other things, these diathetical variants allowing for the elimination of complements which made it possible for him to conceal from his audiences how far he was away from his original socialist ideals once he was in power. References. Adapted from the source document.

This paper focusses on a) the qualitative difference between octants depending on verbs and octants required by nouns and b) the question whether it might be primarily pragmatic rather than stylistic reasons which account for the preference of deverbal nouns over finite verbs in certain contexts. Political speeches by Franco and Salazar provide us with challenging corpora for our analysis.

Cover -- Inhalt -- 1. Einleitung -- 2. Diskursanalyse, Rhetorik und Politolinguistik -- 2.1 Sozio‐historische vs. kritische vs. linguistische Diskursanalyse -- 2.2 Rhetorik: Ethos, Pathos, Logos -- 2.3 Politolinguistik -- 3. Die politisch‐historische Dimension -- 3.1 Argentinien -- 3.1.1 Der Peronismus aus politisch‐historischer Perspektive -- 3.2 Brasilien -- 3.2.1 Der Vargismus aus historisch‐politischer Perspektive -- 3.3 Mexiko -- 3.3.1 Der Cardenismus aus historisch‐politischer Perspektive -- 4. Die Frage des Populismus -- 4.1 Was ist Populismus? -- 4.2 Die Merkmale des Populismus -- 4.3 Die Geschichte des Populismus und die Bedeutung der historischen Situierung -- 4.4 Der klassische Populismus Lateinamerikas -- 4.5 Perón, Vargas, Cárdenas - die klassischen Populisten Lateinamerikas -- 5. Die linguistische Diskursanalyse als integraler Bestandteil der Politolinguistik -- 5.1 Morphosyntax -- 5.1.1 Syntaktische Valenz, semantische Valenz und die Frage der Aktantenrealisierung -- 5.1.2 Die Diathesen und die Veränderung der Valenzpotenz -- 5.1.3 Die deverbalen Substantive -- 5.1.4 Der attributive Gebrauch des Partizips Perfekt -- 5.1.5 Die Tiefenkasus -- 5.2 Lexikologie und lexikalische Pragmatik -- 5.2.1 Schlagwörter -- 5.2.2 Euphemismen -- 5.2.3 Die lexikalische Pragmatik -- 5.3 Kognitive Semantik -- 5.3.1 Die Prototypentheorie -- 5.3.2 Die Stereotypentheorie -- 5.3.3 Die Scenes‐and-frames-Semantik -- 5.3.4 Die Metapher und die Metonymie -- 5.4 Kognitive Pragmatik -- 5.4.1 Satzbedeutung vs. Äußerungsbedeutung -- 5.4.2 Die Frage der Relevanz -- 5.5 Informale Logik als Logos der Rhetorik -- 5.5.1 Informale Logik vs. formale Logik -- 5.5.2 Das Wesen des Arguments -- 5.5.3 Die Doppelfunktion der Topoi -- 5.5.4 Argumenttypologien -- 5.5.5 Das Wesen der Argumentation -- 5.5.6 Präsumtive Argumente und Trugschlüsse.