Suchergebnisse

1. Framing place and process -- 2. Contextualizing gender -- 3. Queer(y)ing transgender -- 4. Gendering the present past -- 5. Gendering life -- 6. Calalai subject positions -- 7. Calabai subject positions -- 8. Bissu subject positions -- 9. Conclusion.

In 2010, La Galigo, a Bugis mythological epic describing the founding of the human world, was included in UNESCO's Memory of the World register. This accolade again brought La Galigo into the international spotlight, as had occurred when Robert Wilson's stage playI La Galigo, based on this epic, debuted in Singapore in 2004. Wilson's production received acclaim and critique, with reviews primarily focusing on his ability to achieve an authentic representation of Bugis identity and their past. These responses raise questions around the presupposition that there is an authentic Bugis identity and past that can be publicly recreated. This article analyses the concept of authenticity through reviews of Wilson's production and the work of key theorists to show that for many people, authenticity is achievable and of critical importance in underpinning any sense of a unified and singular ethnic identity, while for others, identity is always already a mix of different global influences and as such is either irrelevant, or liberated from a sense of a singular heritage.

Résumé Les 189 États membres de l' onu qui ont adopté à l'unanimité en 1995 la Déclaration et le Programme d'action de Beijing se sont engagés à assurer l'égalité d'accès et la pleine participation des femmes aux structures du pouvoir et à la prise de décisions. À l'époque de la signature de ces textes, les femmes représentaient moins de 12 % des membres des parlements dans le monde, pourcentage que l'on retrouvait en Indonésie. Comment la participation des femmes à la politique indonésienne a-t-elle évolué depuis lors ? Dans quelle mesure les Indonésiennes ont-elles été à même de faire appliquer les idées exprimées par la Conférence de Beijing sur les femmes et d'enregistrer des progrès dans le domaine politique, sur le plan tant quantitatif (par exemple, accroissement de la représentation politique) que qualitatif (priorité accordée aux questions relatives aux femmes) ? Quels obstacles continuent d'entraver l'entrée des femmes sur la scène politique et que faut-il encore faire pour faciliter leur participation à la vie politique ? Abordant ces questions, et d'autres, la présente étude montre que malgré des améliorations substantielles dans la reconnaissance du droit des femmes de participer à la politique, celles-ci continuent d'être en pratique invisibles sur la scène politique indonésienne. Depuis dix ans, le nombre des Indonésiennes engagées dans la politique a même diminué.

When 189 member states of the United Nations unanimously agreed to the Beijing Declaration & Platform for Action in 1995, they committed themselves to ensuring women's equal access to, & full participation in, power structures & decision-making. At the time of signing, women constituted fewer than 12% of parliamentary members worldwide, a percentage mirrored in Indonesia. What has happened in the intervening years in terms of women's political participation in Indonesia? To what extent have Indonesian women been able to enforce the sentiments of the Beijing Women's Conference & institute political gains, both quantitative (e.g., increasing political representation) & qualitative (e.g., ensuring women's issues are prioritized)? What obstacles continue to hinder women's entry into politics & what needs to be achieved in order to further facilitate women's political participation? In addressing these & other questions, this paper argues that while there have been substantial developments in terms of public recognition of women's right to participate in politics, women continue to be effectively invisible in Indonesian politics; indeed, the last decade has actually witnessed a decline in the number of women in politics in Indonesia. Tables, References. Adapted from the source document.

Women fighting challenges conventional notions of femininity in many ways. A bleeding nose, bruised eyes and swollen lips embody perhaps masculine success but, for many, constitute failed femininity. Yet women fighters, who are attracting unprecedented media attention, are in novel ways forcing a re-imagination of femininity. This article draws on 17 in-depth semi-structured interviews with professional and amateur female Muay Thai fighters based in Thailand to explore the subversion and reinvention, and also reinforcement, of feminine norms. Theoretically, we advance the debate around fighting and femininity by developing the concept of bio-borders to investigate the presentation, protection and penetration of bodily femininity. We conclude that women fighters inspire a femininity recognising physical and emotional strength alongside conventional feminine norms of beauty, relationality and compliance.

This article concerns itself with women's participation in politics and, more specifically, the representation of women in elected legislatures, in Indonesia between 1995 and 2010. The article gives readers a brief overview of the various ways that Indonesian women participate in politics. Examples are given of women being traditional rulers, having political authority, exercising power, becoming presidents and cabinet ministers, participating in protest movements, and being elected to parliament. The article then moves to focus more specifically on the election of women to the Indonesian parliament. The article analyses positive developments that have occurred in the past decade to facilitate women's entry to parliamentary politics. Although numerous positive developments have indeed taken place, the article argues that women are still hindered in their attempts to get elected to parliament. Drawing on in-depth interviews, literature reviews, statistical analysis, and long-term ethnographic research, the authors identify some of the factors limiting women's election, including the restrictive limited model of womanhood advocated in Indonesia, declining cronyism, the ineffectiveness of the thirty per cent quota, the reputation politics has of being dirty, the influence of religion, and the large sums of money candidates need to support their election campaigns.

While internationally there is a large body of quantitative work examining public perceptions of police, there is less in the way of qualitative, particularly anthropological, studies (Garriott, 2013). Moreover, as most studies are based in Western democratic nations with a strong rule of law, it is not surprising that findings have shown overall positive public perceptions of police. The case of Indonesia is different. The little quantitative work undertaken on public perceptions of police indicate extremely low levels of public trust and confidence (Muradi, 2014). This present study is thus unique in offering a qualitative analysis of a jurisdiction where public opinion is not favourably disposed towards the police. Drawing on ethnographic data collected between 2008 and 2013, this article critically explores what Indonesians think of their police service, and what they want from their police service in the future. The findings indicate that while people loath police corruption, eradicating corruption is not cited as a top priority. Furthermore, while people express a desire to have a police force that can deter, investigate, and solve crime, these factors do not dominate thinking. Rather, people form judgements of police based primarily on how they, or people they know, are treated by police, sentiments encapsulated in notions of procedural justice policing (Tyler, 1990). It is well-established that public support is essential to effective policing (Murphy & Cherney, 2012), and as such taking into account public desire for a respectful police force above a focus on outcome based policing will significantly aid police reform projects in Indonesia.