Suchergebnisse

Black business development in South Africa has been restricted by discriminatory legislation, regulation and custom for many years. Black entrepreneurs have been deliberately and systematically excluded from access to economic opportunities which might have facilitated their participation in moulding the national economy. This situation stemmed from a widely-held White view that Blacks should not have a permanent stake in non- "homeland" South African towns and that the interests of White business should be protected (Hart, 1972). Given these circumstances, Black business has not developed and diversified with the growth of capitalism in South Africa. In fact, capitalism's predominant interest in the Black population has been as labour units, not as partners in economic ventures. Those Blacks in business who have grown, and have established relatively successful business ventures, have done so despite the obstacles devised by the system. The successful Black businessman, therefore, reflects a particular brand of entrepreneurship characterised by determination, tenacity and a capacity to adapt over and above that which is usually required for survival in a competitive environment. The nature and scale of businesses to which Blacks were allowed access was limited to those which provide the daily domestic necessities of urban Black communities; ie, mainly convenience retailing (Davies, 1972). Black businessmen were also denied the right to acquire land in urban areas and such businesses as were allowed had to be conducted from rented premises. Thus, Black experience of crucial elements of entrepreneural development (such as locational choice, market selection and capital formation through property ownership) has been minimal, and so conditional that the aspirations of all but the most determined businessmen have been severely inhibited. Even the most competent Black entrepreneur has not been able to stray very far from the mould of "trader", which has become the stereotype of Black business. Hence, most business ventures in urban Black townships are associated with convenience retailing and service activities, mainly of modest proportions and not necessarily a reflection of the individual's business choice. The underdeveloped status of Black entrepreneurship in South Africa is thus due entirely to their exclusion from opportunities to gain experience, to take risks and to compete. The view of Blacks as not having an interest in, or an aptitude for, business is little more than a transparent rationalisation for institutionalised racism. The apparent lack of competitiveness amongst Blacks is the result of a complex set of inequities imposed over decades of "relative deprivation in terms of upbringing, nutritional standards, education and training, medical services, entrepreneural and professional opportunities, and horizontal and vertical mobility" (Leatt et al, 1986). It is against this background that the situation of Black business in Port Elizabeth must be seen. ; Digitised by Rhodes University Library on behalf of the Institute of Social and Economic Research (ISER)

In order to depict adequately the significance of political and economic interaction in tropical Africa, it is necessary to sketch the background of recent changes in that area lying south of the Sahara and north of Angola, Rhodesia, and Mozambique. Here are some 30 states ranging in size from over 2.5 million sq.km. in the Sudan to less than 00.1 million sq.km. in the Gambia; in population from almost 80 million in Nigeria to about 400,000 in the Gambia; in density from over 120 per sq.km. in Burundi to less than one per sq.km. in Mauritania; in income per capita from over $400 in Gabon to less than $50 in Burundi, Somalia, and Upper Volta; and in G.N.P. from over $4.5 billion in Nigeria to less than $30 million in Gambia.

AbstractDynamics of vegetation in arid areas have drawn worldwide attention. The expansion of irrigated cropland (ICE) in arid regions contributes to increased food security and impacts on the extent and development of regional vegetation. However, the quantitative attribution of vegetation growth variation from ICE and biogeochemical factors (e.g., atmospheric CO2 concentration, climatic factors) is still lacking. Here, we assessed key drivers of vegetation growth in the inland arid region of Northwest China (IANC) from 1982 to 2018, including ICE, increased nitrogen rates, elevated atmospheric CO2 concentration (eCO2) and climate drivers, using normalized difference vegetation index (NDVI) and ecosystem gross primary productivity (GPP) as measures. These variables were quantified through trend decomposition, machine learning algorithms, and a satellite-based model. The results show that vegetation growth was increased in IANC mainly due to eCO2 and ICE. After 1995, as the regional climatic aridity intensified, the CO2 fertilization effect on vegetation growth decreased, as the atmospheric CO2 concentration continued to increase. Meanwhile, irrigated cropland area increased sharply, and ICE-driven GPP variation exceeded that driven by eCO2 in the whole region, while the ICE-driven NDVI variation exceeded that due to eCO2 when the ICE reached 6.38%. The ICE effect on regional vegetation growth rather than the CO2 fertilization effect has mitigated the slowdown of the rate of vegetation growth caused by climate changes. Although the ICE is conducive to food security and continuous greening of arid areas, further reclamation will exacerbate water scarcity. Our results provide research base for identifying the scale of sustainable agricultural development.