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In: Political science quarterly: a nonpartisan journal devoted to the study and analysis of government, politics and international affairs ; PSQ, Band 122, Heft 2, S. 354-355
ISSN: 1538-165X
In: Political science quarterly: PSQ ; the journal public and international affairs, Band 122, Heft 2, S. 354
ISSN: 0032-3195
In: Japanese journal of political science, Band 6, Heft 3, S. 441-442
ISSN: 1474-0060
In: Japanese journal of political science, Band 6, Heft 3, S. 441-442
ISSN: 1468-1099
Cover -- Contents -- List of Illustrations -- Acknowledgments -- 1. Membership and International Cooperation -- 1.1 Defining IGO Membership -- 1.2 Membership in International Relations Theory -- 1.3 Geopolitical Alignment as Basis for IGO Cooperation -- 1.4 Chapter Overview -- 1.5 Conclusion -- 2. Flexibility by Design: Rules for Accession -- 2.1 IGO Accession as Club Membership -- 2.2 International Society and Ending IGO Membership -- 2.3 Data on IGO Accession Rules -- 2.3.1 Founding Charter Documents -- 2.3.2 Participation Mandate -- 2.3.3 Conditionality Terms -- 2.4 Toward a Broader Understanding of Accession -- 2.5 Conclusion -- 3. Membership Patterns in Economic Institutions -- 3.1 Geopolitics and Economic Cooperation -- 3.1.1 Testable Implications for Membership Patterns -- 3.2 Empirical Analysis of IGO Membership Patterns -- 3.2.1 Data on Membership in Multilateral Economic Organizations -- 3.2.2 Logistic Regression Analysis of Membership -- 3.2.3 Finite Mixture Model of Weighted Decision-Making -- 3.3 Conclusion -- 4. Accession to the GATT/WTO -- 4.1 Supply and Demand of Membership -- 4.1.1 Discretionary Rules for GATT/WTO Accession -- 4.1.2 The Geopolitical Basis of the Multilateral Trade Regime -- 4.1.3 Examples of Accession Negotiations -- 4.2 Empirical Analysis of Entry into GATT/WTO -- 4.2.1 Data on GATT/WTO Application and Accession -- 4.2.2 Geopolitical Alignment and Trade Regime Membership -- 4.3 Conclusion -- 5. The OECD: More Than a Rich Country Club -- 5.1 Vague Rules and Selective Enlargement -- 5.2 Selecting for Similar Type in the OECD -- 5.2.1 The OECD Accession Process -- 5.2.2 The Price of Admission -- 5.2.3 Why Bother? Understanding Demand for Membership -- 5.2.4 Seeking Status through Association -- 5.3 Common Features of the Like-Minded Club -- 5.4 Statistical Analysis of OECD Accession.
The discriminatory logic at the heart of multilateralismMember selection is one of the defining elements of social organization, imposing categories on who we are and what we do. Discriminatory Clubs shows how international organizations are like social clubs, ones in which institutional rules and informal practices enable states to favor friends while excluding rivals.Where race or socioeconomic status may be a basis for discrimination by social clubs, geopolitical alignment determines who gets into the room to make the rules of global governance. Christina Davis brings together a wealth of data on membership provisions for more than three hundred organizations to reveal the prevalence of club-style selection on the world stage. States join organizations to deepen their association with a particular group of states—most often their allies—and for the gains from policy coordination. Even organizations that claim to be universal, to target narrow issues, or to cover geographic regions use club-style admission criteria. Davis demonstrates that when it comes to the most important decision of cooperation—who belongs to the club and who doesn't—geopolitical alignment can matter more than the merits or policies of potential members.With illuminating case studies ranging from nineteenth-century Japan to contemporary Palestine and Taiwan, Discriminatory Clubs sheds light on how, for global and regional organizations such as the WTO and the EU, alliance ties and shared foreign-policy positions form the basis of cooperation
In: Oxford studies in the anthropology of language
The Struggle for a Multilingual Future, Christina Davis examines the tension between ethnic conflict and multilingual education policy in the linguistic and social practices of Sri Lankan minority youth. Facing a legacy of post-independence language and education policies that were among the complex causes of the Sri Lankan civil war (1983-2009), the government has recently sought to promote interethnic integration through trilingual language policies in Sinhala, Tamil, and English in state schools. Integrating ethnographic and linguistic research in and around two schools during the last phase of the war, Davis's research shows how, despite the intention of the reforms, practices on the ground reinforce language-based models of ethnicity and sustain ethnic divisions and power inequalities. By engaging with the actual experiences of Tamil and Muslim youth, Davis demonstrates the difficulties of using language policy to ameliorate ethnic conflict if it does not also address how that conflict is produced and reproduced in everyday talk
In: Oxford studies in the anthropology of language
In: Oxford studies in anthropology of language
In: Oxford scholarship online
The Struggle for a Multilingual Future, Christina Davis examines the tension between ethnic conflict and multilingual education policy in the linguistic and social practices of Sri Lankan minority youth. Facing a legacy of post-independence language and education policies that were among the complex causes of the Sri Lankan civil war (1983-2009), the government has recently sought to promote interethnic integration through trilingual language policies in Sinhala, Tamil, and English in state schools. Integrating ethnographic and linguistic research in and around two schools during the last phase of the war, Davis's research shows how, despite the intention of the reforms, practices on the ground reinforce language-based models of ethnicity and sustain ethnic divisions and power inequalities. By engaging with the actual experiences of Tamil and Muslim youth, Davis demonstrates the difficulties of using language policy to ameliorate ethnic conflict if it does not also address how that conflict is produced and reproduced in everyday talk
The World Trade Organization (WTO) oversees the negotiation and enforcement of formal rules governing international trade. Why do countries choose to adjudicate their trade disputes in the WTO rather than settling their differences on their own? In Why Adjudicate?, Christina Davis investigates the domestic politics behind the filing of WTO complaints and reveals why formal dispute settlement creates better outcomes for governments and their citizens. Davis demonstrates that industry lobbying, legislative demands, and international politics influence which countries and cases a
The World Trade Organization (WTO) oversees the negotiation and enforcement of formal rules governing international trade. Why do countries choose to adjudicate their trade disputes in the WTO rather than settling their differences on their own? In Why Adjudicate?, Christina Davis investigates the domestic politics behind the filing of WTO complaints and reveals why formal dispute settlement creates better outcomes for governments and their citizens. Davis demonstrates that industry lobbying, legislative demands, and international politics influence which countries and cases appear before the WTO.
This detailed account of the politics of opening agricultural markets explains how the institutional context of international negotiations alters the balance of interests at the domestic level to favor trade liberalization despite opposition from powerful farm groups. Historically, agriculture stands out as a sector in which countries stubbornly defend domestic programs, and agricultural issues have been the most frequent source of trade disputes in the postwar trading system. While much protection remains, agricultural trade negotiations have resulted in substantial concessions as well as ne
This detailed account of the politics of opening agricultural markets explains how the institutional context of international negotiations alters the balance of interests at the domestic level to favor trade liberalization despite opposition from powerful farm groups. Historically, agriculture stands out as a sector in which countries stubbornly defend domestic programs, and agricultural issues have been the most frequent source of trade disputes in the postwar trading system. While much protection remains, agricultural trade negotiations have resulted in substantial concessions as well as.
In: Signs and society, Band 8, Heft 1, S. 93-124
ISSN: 2326-4497
In: International journal of the sociology of language: IJSL, Band 2018, Heft 253, S. 125-147
ISSN: 1613-3668
Abstract
Sri Lanka is a conflict-ridden postcolonial nation-state that was ravaged by a civil war. Largely excluded from mainstream representations of the ethnic conflict, Muslims constitute the country's second largest minority group. In contrast to Sinhalas and Tamils, they define their ethnic identities on the basis of religion rather than language. In this article, I draw on research at a multilingual government school to explore how Muslim teachers and students made sense of Tamil- and English-medium education in relation to ethnic, religious, and class differences. I investigate how Tamil-medium Muslim teachers responded to critiques of their speech by asserting that their heterogeneous linguistic practices were inextricably connected to their distinct ethno-religious identities. Muslim students' lack of fit with the ethnolinguistic affiliations presupposed by the school enabled them to embrace English-medium education. However, the English bilingual program complicated Muslims' narratives of identity by underscoring the relevance of English to class dispositions. I argue that English impacts the fraught relations of Tamil and Sinhala to ethnopolitical identities and mediates everyday social relations.