Suchergebnisse

The Chinese political fabric appears to be under great stress, with reports of nearly 200,000 "mass incidents" every year, especially from workers with labor disputes and ordinary people whose property is often seized by corrupt officials. Such incidents are fuelled by public dissatisfaction nationwide as well as the disenchantment of Chinese State policies among ethnic groups, who occupy at least a third of Chinese territory. China has so far been able to keep its peripheral communities under control (or in the case of Taiwan, to ensure a degree of restraint) through its clear willingness to use force, which has aggravated the unease. A democratic China, however, would find it difficult to adopt such a repressive posture. Drawing on Linz and Stepan and Yadav's theoretical and empirical elaboration, the article examines the characteristics of Chinese federalism and the lessons that can be learnt from a large multinational state like India. The article suggests a dual mechanism of federalism on the Chinese mainland and confederation with peripheral communities for addressing China's territorial and political development. A confederal arrangement for China's peripheral communities would provide a reliable umbrella of national laws and institutions under which these communities could be brought together in the "state-nation" vision. The viability of such an arrangement hinges on the presence of a strong judiciary for third-party dispute resolution and for implementing confederal agreements. ; published_or_final_version

This chapter addresses China's Tibet policy and the claims made about it in relation to international legal standards and practices. At this critical time in a Sino-Tibetan dialogue that has gone on since 2002, a book on activating human rights and peace offers an excellent venue for China and the international community to evaluate various claims and policies and consider a path forward. China's claims about Tibet have provided a weak foundation for its policies. Emerging international standards concerning the human rights and political autonomy of indigenous ethnic populations may offer a more constructive path forward. Such standards may afford an agreeable alternative to the path of seeking independence that China fears. After the recent decision by the International Court of Justice in the Kosovo case upholding a right to declare independence Chinese anxieties about Tibetan intentions will only increase. Now may be the time for a policy change to pursue an autonomy model more likely to satisfy the Tibetan urge for self-rule in the Chinese context. ; published_or_final_version

China's hardline and repressive policies have often stood in the way of its acceptance on the international stage. This legacy has nowhere been more evident than with respect to its national minority policies applied in Tibet. While China long ago in the 1951 17-point Agreement agreed to provide autonomy to Tibetans it has never delivered on this promise, offering repression and assimilation instead. In nearly every diplomatic outing, as was especially evident in the lead up to the 2008 Beijing Olympics, China's Tibet policies have been an issue. With the 2007 UN Declaration on the Rights of Indigenous Peoples and the 2008 Tibetan Memorandum on Genuine Autonomy for the Tibetan People China surely has excellent guidance for a more humane policy to meet Tibetan concerns. With reference to its historical legacy and international standards, this paper encourages China to embrace such policy reform. ; postprint ; The American Political Science Association (APSA) 2012 Annual Meeting & Exhibition, New Orleans, L.A., 30 August - 2 September 2012. In APSA 2012 Annual Meeting Program, 2012, p. 1-17

The Asian values debate has been one of the preeminent human rights debates in the world for the past two decades. The claim of some East Asian regimes for continued authoritarian government and denial of certain human rights on the grounds that this is in harmony with Asian values, helps preserve community and leads to higher growth is disputed in this article. This is done on the basis that liberal constitutionalism – which is defined here as democracy, the rule of law and human rights – when indigenised through debate and adaption to local conditions is not only in keeping with traditions but, as the experience of many countries in East Asia itself reveals, is better at managing the diverse interests that emerge in rapidly changing societies and is thereby a generator of political and economic stability. Thus, the East Asian discourse offers insights for human rights debates in many other developing countries globally. ; published_or_final_version