Suchergebnisse

GLMM - Gulf Labour Markets and Migration ; As the migrant crisis escalates at Europe's borders, the Gulf States have been blamed for having offered "zero resettlement" to Syrian refugees. In response to these statements, some Gulf States claim that they have actually relaxed their entry and residency laws to accommodate sizeable numbers of Syrian nationals since the start of the conflict. The paper assesses these claims using statistics available from these countries, as well as declarations from official bodies released in the local press. It appears that, besides being major aid donors to Arab countries sheltering Syrian refugees, most Gulf States have passed various measures destined to facilitate the entry and stay of Syrians since 2011. ; The GLMM programme is conducted by the Gulf Research Centre (GRC) and the Migration Policy Centre (MPC) and financed by the Open Society Foundations (OSF).

GLMM - Gulf Labour Markets and Migration ; Mid-2013, estimates of Bahrain s population stood at 1,253,191 persons, of whom 638,361 (51 per cent) were foreign nationals. Most were from Asia (85 per cent) and especially from India (half of all foreign residents). Eighty per cent of expatriates are employed. They account for 77 per cent of the employed population and 81 per cent of the private sector s workforce. Asians are overwhelmingly involved in services and blue collar occupations, while Arabs more often fill managerial posts. Immigration flows to the Kingdom increased significantly over the 2000s, fuelled by high oil prices and the ensuing boom in the construction and services sectors. This demonstrates the difficulty to reconcile labour reforms, and especially, the Bahrainisation of the work force, with the maximisation of economic productivity. ; The GLMM programme is conducted by the Gulf Research Centre (GRC) and the Migration Policy Centre (MPC) and financed by the Open Society Foundations (OSF).

GLMM - Gulf Labour Markets and Migration ; The paper addresses the historical and institutional background of labour management policies in Saudi Arabia. It envisages it as a long-term, structural impediment to the successful and rapid implementation of Saudization (localisation) of the labour force in the Kingdom. The paper thus emphasises the socio-political stakes and challenges to localisation of the labour force and, more generally, economic and labour reform in the Gulf States. Since the onset of the Arab uprisings, however, unemployment among Saudis, and especially women, has become a burning political issue. Governmental actors had no choice but to attempt to regain control over the economy and the management of the labour market. In September 2011, in spite of a spurt in foreign labour recruitment since the mid-2000s, a voluntary policy called "Nitaqat" aiming to "Saudize" the Kingdom's workforce was enacted. This paper reviews its characteristics and points to its all-encompassing design as it addresses the socio-political context of Saudization and therefore is more likely to have a lasting effect than previous workforce localisation initiatives. ; The GLMM programme is conducted by the Gulf Research Centre (GRC) and the Migration Policy Centre (MPC) and financed by the Open Society Foundations (OSF).

CARIM-South is co-financed by the European University Institute and the European Union. ; Refugees from Palestine are one of the oldest refugee populations in the world. And UN General Assembly Resolution 194, which anchors Palestinian refugees' claims for their right of return to Palestine, is now 63 years old. Yet, in Jordan and Lebanon, the refugees' main host countries, the Palestinian presence grew in importance in domestic politics through the 2000s. In Lebanon there were the political debates surrounding the granting of some civil rights to Palestinian refugees, which culminated mid-2010. In Jordan, controversies over political naturalisation stir up violent political debates. This essay explores the reasons behind the fact that, in Jordan and Lebanon, granting civil rights to refugees raises a lot of concern. It also examines how the civil rights issue cannot be separated from that of the protection of the Palestinian "cause", the right of return. More generally, the report investigates the various perceived challenges and the outreach of Palestinian refugees' settlement (tawtin) in each of the two countries, before and after the late 1980s-early 1990s. Return and resettlement were taken as the two extremes of a similar demographic policy, and therefore, proved to be powerful political tools for regimes and political actors, at the local, regional and international levels. The theoretical framework of political demography and the "political economy" of Palestinian refugee trends and policies in Jordan and Lebanon also allowed for the Palestinian issue to be resituated in the history and the socio-political context of each country; thus revealing their specific challenges. The essay shows that the granting of civil rights to Palestinians is hampered by its politically-destabilising significance in host countries, where civil rights are constructed as citizenship-bound privileges. Therefore, debates on Palestinian refugees flag up deepening rifts within Jordanian and Lebanese citizenries, and diverging views on political "imagined communities" (Anderson, 1991). In Jordan, such a rift has been deepened by the recent emergence of nationalist movements and by the tensions which emerged in the wake of the Arab uprisings. Representations of national populations as closed, de jure and ethnic-based increasingly oppose views of nationhood as open, de facto and assimilationist. ; Euro-Mediterranean Consortium for Applied Research on International Migration (CARIM)

Using Foucault' approach of public policies in terms of "police", this paper explores, in the case of Jordan, the political outreach of defining, measuring and acting upon poverty using UNDP's Human Development concept and indices. The paper analyses the 2004' Jordan Human Development Report (JHDR), which "places the poor at the centre of analysis and attempts to capture the diverse and dynamic characteristics of poverty through the eyes of the poor themselves", and addresses poverty as a lack of human development. Yet, in this case human development rather appears as an instrument of institutional reform attempting at "making up people", at engineering the moulding of a new society, globalised and market-led. ; Lutter contre la pauvreté, "façonner" une nouvelle société. Autour de l'usage du Développement humain en Jordanie. Cette contribution vise à éclairer la portée politique de l'utilisation du concept et des indices de développement humain du PNUD pour l'analyse du phénomène de la pauvreté, sur le terrain de la Jordanie. L'article porte sur le Rapport sur le Développement humain (RDH) en Jordanie de 2004, qui " place les pauvres au centre de l'analyse et cherche à saisir de la bouche des pauvres eux-mêmes les caractéristiques de la pauvreté ", en abordant le phénomène comme résultant d'un niveau insuffisant de développement humain. Pourtant, notre analyse montre que cette publication ressort plutôt d'une opération de " police " (selon les termes de Foucault), qu'elle sous-tend un processus de réforme institutionnelle visant à " façonner les gens ", sur le modèle d'une société inscrite dans la globalisation néolibérale.

Improving EU and US Immigration Systems' Capacity for Responding to Global Challenges: Learning from experiences ; Current world liberal economies are globalised and hence founded, theoretically at least, on the free movement of goods, capital, services and labour. Yet, market forces (the opening of borders) tend to work in the opposite direction to that of socio-political planning and control-related forces (selective closure of borders), while diverging interests also mark bilateral relations between sending and receiving states. The present paper argues for taking migration as part of the global social development process and for situating migration-related cooperation between countries at a structural, bilateral or even multilateral relations' level.

Euro-Mediterranean Consortium for Applied Research on International Migration (CARIM) ; In the hope of regulating migratory flows, the European Council endorsed a "global approach" to migration in December 2005, an approach which is based on the correction of the "deep causes of migration": poverty, unemployment and development gaps between North and South. Besides liberalising economies and trade systems, a set of measures are advocated in order to enhance home countries' development by using "migration [as a] medicine against migration": stimulating the remittance of funds back to the country of origin; expanding the role of diasporas settled in member states; reinforcing circular migration schemes and facilitating return movements; and improving the management of the emigration of the highly-skilled in order to curb "brain drain". The paper focuses on the Arab South and East Mediterranean (SEM) countries. It challenges the views, implicit in EU migration policies, that migration is entirely rooted in economics and that migrants' agency alone is able to spur development in the origin country. Using the theoretical background of political economy with a neo-institutional approach to migration, it explores the stakes, the outreaches and the outcomes of the migration and development nexus. By so doing, it re-politicizes migration and development and emphasises the structural and contextual dimension of factors pushing on migration and hampering development: unemployment and high professional turn over; economic liberalisation and deregulation policies, and socio-political "blockages" (gender inequalities, patronage, clientelism and corruption, lack of public expression). Moreover, the analysis of SEM country practices in the field of migration management and engineering migration for development shows how the design of policies and the channelling of flows respond to political and demographic stakes in the various national contexts. Migration patterns act as a political shield for regimes in the region that: allows these regimes to monitor political opposition; renews socio-cultural elites; and decreases the economic opportunities in national economies, due to corruption and patronage. Current policies also reconstruct state-society/expatriates relations, through (controlled) economic participation and socio-cultural solidarity. They do not, however, lead to political participation. The paper thus concludes that amendments to macro-political contexts in the SEM countries are more likely than liberalisation policies to curb emigration flows, by engineering global social and political development. As a matter of fact, the onset and patterns of the Arab revolutions since December 2010 aptly confirm the need for political reform in the region. ; Adoptée par le Conseil européen en décembre 2005, l'Approche globale des migrations est axée sur la correction des « causes profondes de la migration » (la pauvreté, le chômage, les écarts de développement entre nord et sud) afin d'en réguler les flux. Parmi les mesures préconisées figurent la facilitation de l'envoi de fonds vers les pays d'origine (transparence des coûts, développement de l'accès aux services financiers), l'encouragement du rôle des diasporas implantées dans les États membres (aider les pays en développement à identifier leur diaspora et à établir des liens), le renforcement de la migration circulaire et la facilitation du retour, une meilleure gestion des migrations de personnes hautement qualifiées afin de limiter la « fuite des cerveaux ». Cette étude traite des pays arabes du sud et de l'est de la Méditerranée (SEM). Elle met en question les représentations, contenues dans les politiques migratoires de l'UE, de la migration comme facteur purement économique, mais aussi des migrants comme agents d'un développement à grande échelle dans leurs pays d'origine. Le cadre théorique de l'économie politique et les approches néo-institutionnelles des migrations, utilisés ici, permettent de dégager les enjeux et la portée du lien entre migration et développement sur le terrain arabe. L'étude 're-politise' ces deux processus. Elle met en relief la dimension structurelle des facteurs déclenchant l'émigration et entravant les processus de développement : les caractéristiques du marché du travail, les politiques de libéralisation des économies et les « blocages » sociopolitiques (inégalités hommes-femmes, clientélisme et corruption, obstacles à l'expression publique). En outre, l'analyse des politiques migratoires menées dans les pays du SEM montre que ces mesures répondent aux enjeux politiques et démographiques particuliers aux divers contextes nationaux de la région. Elles permettent aux régimes en place de contrôler l'opposition politique, le renouvellement des élites socioculturelles et les conséquences de la contraction des opportunités économiques, due à la corruption et au clientélisme. Les politiques migratoires participent également d'une restructuration des relations États-sociétés-expatriés autour d'une participation économique (étroitement contrôlée) et d'une solidarité socioculturelle, mais excluant toute participation politique. L'étude conclut donc que des réformes des contextes sociaux et politiques dans les pays du SEM seraient plus à même d'agir sur les flux migratoires que les réformes néolibérales. Le déclenchement des révoltes arabes en décembre 2010 confirme d'ailleurs l'urgence de ces réformes politiques.

Euro-Mediterranean Consortium for Applied Research on International Migration (CARIM) ; This paper tackles the socio-political aspects of gender and migration in Jordan. Our concern is to figure out whether and, if so, how public debate, institutional setup and specific governmental or government-approved policies targeting migrant women are gendered, i.e., how gender policies articulate with migratory policies, how gender determines migrants' experience, in terms of, for instance, life cycle and employment. We also inquire about the purposes of such policies. Our main conclusion is that, though public debate is indeed gendered, migration policies are not. On immigration, gender does not have priority over other characteristics of the migrant in the overall policy-making process on migration. However, there exists an economic sector-selective gendering of policies targeting female migrants in Jordan. This process is rooted in the political necessity of engineering female and migrant issues to respond to Jordanian nationals' concerns. As for females' emigration and, especially, a new trend involving mainly unmarried skilled young women directed at the Arab Gulf States, it has been so far ignored in the public debate, caught between the 'open door' policy and the institutional setup of Jordan's 'blocked society'. In the Jordanian context, migration, indeed, hardly allows female empowerment let alone female immigrants in Jordan. Therefore the paper advocates a stronger involvement on the part of sending countries' in the defence of their nationals employed abroad, especially given the situation of female English domestic workers. / Cet article traite des aspects sociopolitiques de la relation entre genre et migration en Jordanie. Nous cherchons à comprendre si et comment le débat public, le contexte institutionnel et les politiques gouvernementales (ou soutenues par le gouvernement) visant les femmes migrantes sont genrées. Comment les politiques dans le domaine du genre s'articulent-elles aux politiques migratoires ? En quoi le genre détermine-t-il l'expérience des migrants, en termes de cycle de vie, de travail et d'emploi, par exemple ? Nous nous intéressons également aux objectifs de ces politiques. La conclusion principale de ce rapport est la suivante : le débat public prend en compte la question du genre mais les politiques migratoires l'ignorent le plus souvent. Concernant l'immigration, nous montrons que le genre ne pèse pas plus que d'autres facteurs dans le processus global de conception et de mise en œuvre des politiques migratoires. Cependant, on peut repérer une sélection par le genre dans certains secteurs économiques ouverts aux travailleurs immigrés, dont l'exemple le plus emblématique est l'emploi domestique. Ce processus a pour origine la nécessité politique d'instrumentaliser les questions de la femme et de la migration en réponse aux préoccupations des citoyens jordaniens. La question de l'émigration des femmes, en particulier le récent mouvement de femmes jeunes et célibataires vers les pays du Golfe, est pour sa part absente du débat public. Celui-ci reste en effet prisonnier de la politique de la « porte ouverte » mais surtout du contexte institutionnel d'une société jordanienne « bloquée ». Le contexte jordanien n'est donc pas toujours propice à l'autonomisation (empowerment) des femmes jordaniennes mais encore moins à celle des migrantes étrangères. Notre étude appelle donc les autorités des pays d'origine des migrantes à s'investir plus fortement dans la défense des intérêts de leurs ressortissantes expatriées, et de manière urgente dans celle des domestiques asiatiques.

Using Foucault' approach of public policies in terms of "police", this paper explores, in the case of Jordan, the political outreach of defining, measuring and acting upon poverty using UNDP's Human Development concept and indices. The paper analyses the 2004' Jordan Human Development Report (JHDR), which "places the poor at the centre of analysis and attempts to capture the diverse and dynamic characteristics of poverty through the eyes of the poor themselves", and addresses poverty as a lack of human development. Yet, in this case human development rather appears as an instrument of institutional reform attempting at "making up people", at engineering the moulding of a new society, globalised and market-led. ; Lutter contre la pauvreté, "façonner" une nouvelle société. Autour de l'usage du Développement humain en Jordanie. Cette contribution vise à éclairer la portée politique de l'utilisation du concept et des indices de développement humain du PNUD pour l'analyse du phénomène de la pauvreté, sur le terrain de la Jordanie. L'article porte sur le Rapport sur le Développement humain (RDH) en Jordanie de 2004, qui " place les pauvres au centre de l'analyse et cherche à saisir de la bouche des pauvres eux-mêmes les caractéristiques de la pauvreté ", en abordant le phénomène comme résultant d'un niveau insuffisant de développement humain. Pourtant, notre analyse montre que cette publication ressort plutôt d'une opération de " police " (selon les termes de Foucault), qu'elle sous-tend un processus de réforme institutionnelle visant à " façonner les gens ", sur le modèle d'une société inscrite dans la globalisation néolibérale.

Euro-Mediterranean Consortium for Applied Research on International Migration (CARIM) ; 600, 000 to 670,000 Jordanians are estimated to be employed abroad today, some half a million in the Gulf countries alone. Most of them are believed to be highly-skilled. On rare occasions, concern for this 'brain drain' is expressed. However, throughout its history, Jordan has always practised an 'open-door policy' towards the emigration of its citizens, officially to alleviate unemployment. After briefly retracing the dynamics of highly-skilled emigration, this report highlights the views expressed and policies implemented on the issue, before adding some socio-political explanations to the continuous disregard for the topic in official discourses, which contrasts, however, with recent policy-moves towards encouraging the expatriation of the highly-skilled. Among the 'push' factors for the highly skilled is the resilience of clientelism in society and the patterns of adjustment to free trade, the latter partly explaining the stagnation of salaries and standards of living. The open-door policy to emigration, recently reinforced by an increase in opportunities offered outside the Kingdom for skilled Jordanians, also responds to a range of socio-political challenges. For instance, it compensates lagging income (opportunities for higher salaries and stimulation of private revenues through workers' remittances). Expatriation of the highly skilled also ensures control over potential political opposition and, particularly, the reproduction of the elites. Résumé De 600 à 670 000 Jordaniens seraient employés à l'étranger, dont environ un-demi million dans les pays du Golfe; ils seraient en majorité hautement qualifiés. A de rares occasions, des voix s'élèvent contre cette "fuite des cerveaux". Au cours de son histoire pourtant, la Jordanie a toujours pratiqué la "politique de la porte ouverte" à l'égard de ses citoyens, officiellement afin de lutter contre le chômage. Après avoir brièvement retracé les dynamiques de l'émigration des travailleurs hautement qualifiés, ce rapport met en lumière les opinions et les politiques menées à l'égard de cette question. On envisage ensuite quelques explications de nature sociopolitique au relatif silence des politiques officielles jordaniennes sur le sujet, qui contraste avec une intensification récente des politiques encourageant l'expatriation des plus qualifiés. Le clientélisme et les modalités de l'ajustement vers l'économie de marché comptent parmi les principaux facteurs de "répulsion" à l'égard des travailleurs hautement qualifiés, ce dernier expliquant la stagnation des salaires et du niveau de vie dans le royaume. La politique de la "porte ouverte" répond aussi à certains impératifs sociopolitiques : l'expatriation contribue à compenser la stagnation des salaires en offrant l'opportunité de revenus plus élevés à l'étranger et augmente les revenus des familles par les remises privées des travailleurs. L'encouragement à l'expatriation des plus qualifiés est aussi une stratégie d'"évacuation" de la contestation politique mais, surtout, de reproduction des élites.

Arab and Middle Eastern countries have experienced sharp changes in their patterns of nuptiality, a marked decline of age at first marriage since the 1980's, possibly leading to the emergence of significant levels of permanent celibacy, especially among women. In a number of countries in the region, the first unfolding of the trend towards later marriages in the 1990's sparkled burning popular debate and led to various initiatives under Islamist movements' leadership. At the turn of the century, popular and policy concern are now targeting the emergence of celibacy, seen as a major social dysfunction. Various private, as well as public bodies are now involved in the design and implementation of measures aiming at facilitating and even promoting the issue of marriage. This article will explore the reasons underlying the popular and policy concerns expressed towards late marriages and celibacy in the Arab Middle East. First, after presenting some data documenting this recent demographic evolution in several countries of the region, some of its social implications and reasons for not marrying will be discussed. Second, focussing on the example of Jordan, we will compare two policy discourses tackling the question of marriage stemming, one from the Islamists-run Al-Afaf Society for Welfare and the other, from the semi public National Council for Family Affairs headed by Queen Rania of Jordan, pointing out the issues underlying their concern for celibacy. Third, resting on the views both actors display in regard to the political outreach of marriage patterns, we will examine the elements of a new "social contract", and patterns of political integration, implicitly presented to populations by the model of good prevalence, timing and other characteristics of alliance displayed in these two policy discourses. Typical of the popular debate underlying political transition patterns which can be observed in post-rentier Middle Eastern contexts, the battle against "westernisation", which is embedded in these two discourses, will be shown as being part of a more general bargain, that of culture against economy. ; Les comportements de nuptialité ont connu des changements importants dans les pays du monde arabe et du Moyen-Orient : depuis la fin des années 1970, on y observe un net déclin de l'âge moyen au premier mariage, puis l'émergence d'un niveau significatif de célibat probablement définitif, en particulier chez les femmes. Au cours des années 1990, les premières révélations de l'émergence de ces phénomènes dans plusieurs pays de la région ont déclenché un brûlant débat populaire. En ce tournant du siècle, le célibat est devenu l'une des principales cibles tant de l'action que de l'opinion publique, le phénomène apparaissant comme une source majeure de dysfonctionnement social. De nombreux organismes publics et privés oeuvrent même aujourd'hui à concevoir et à mettre en oeuvre des mesures destinées à promouvoir le mariage, notamment des ONG gérées par des mouvements islamistes. Ce chapitre propose des éléments d'explication à l'émoi populaire et politique suscité par ce retard des mariages et par l'émergence du célibat au Moyen-Orient. Dans un premier temps, nous illustrerons ce phénomène récent par quelques données, avant d'en examiner les conséquences sociales et de lui proposer quelques explications. Dans un deuxième temps, nous nous concentrerons sur l'exemple de la Jordanie. Nous comparerons deux discours politiques centrés sur la question du mariage, le premier émanant de l'Association de bienfaisance Al-Afaf, gérée par des islamistes, et le second d'un organisme semi-public, le Conseil national des Affaires familiales, présidé par la reine Rania de Jordanie. Nous tenterons de cerner les raisons pouvant expliquer l'intérêt porté à la question du célibat par ces deux types d'institutions. Nous dégagerons alors de ces deux discours normatifs sur l'intensité, le calendrier et les autres caractéristiques du mariage, deux représentations de la portée politique des comportements matrimoniaux, mais aussi deux représentations implicites d'un nouveau « contrat social » et des modes idéaux de participation politique. Typique des débats populaires accompagnant les scénarios de transition politique dans des contextes moyen-orientaux post-rentiers, la lutte contre l'occidentalisation prônée par ces deux discours participe, comme nous le montrerons, d'une négociation plus large s'articulant autour de deux termes : la culture et l'économie.

Arab and Middle Eastern countries have experienced sharp changes in their patterns of nuptiality, a marked decline of age at first marriage since the 1980's, possibly leading to the emergence of significant levels of permanent celibacy, especially among women. In a number of countries in the region, the first unfolding of the trend towards later marriages in the 1990's sparkled burning popular debate and led to various initiatives under Islamist movements' leadership. At the turn of the century, popular and policy concern are now targeting the emergence of celibacy, seen as a major social dysfunction. Various private, as well as public bodies are now involved in the design and implementation of measures aiming at facilitating and even promoting the issue of marriage. This article will explore the reasons underlying the popular and policy concerns expressed towards late marriages and celibacy in the Arab Middle East. First, after presenting some data documenting this recent demographic evolution in several countries of the region, some of its social implications and reasons for not marrying will be discussed. Second, focussing on the example of Jordan, we will compare two policy discourses tackling the question of marriage stemming, one from the Islamists-run Al-Afaf Society for Welfare and the other, from the semi public National Council for Family Affairs headed by Queen Rania of Jordan, pointing out the issues underlying their concern for celibacy. Third, resting on the views both actors display in regard to the political outreach of marriage patterns, we will examine the elements of a new "social contract", and patterns of political integration, implicitly presented to populations by the model of good prevalence, timing and other characteristics of alliance displayed in these two policy discourses. Typical of the popular debate underlying political transition patterns which can be observed in post-rentier Middle Eastern contexts, the battle against "westernisation", which is embedded in these two discourses, ...