Suchergebnisse

A manageable catastrophe -- Life expectancy and public opinion -- Structure of this book -- Denial and how it is overcome -- Private experience and public concern -- Giving meaning to AIDS -- 'Normalizing' AIDS -- Sex and power -- Domesticating AIDS, and its costs -- The media and overcoming denial -- Pavement radio -- AIDS activists : reformers and revolutionaries -- Confrontation and its limits -- 'Positive positive women' -- AIDS and elections -- Activist networks, local and global -- Transformations in governance -- New solidarities -- How African democracies withstand AIDS -- The issue of a lifetime -- 'Weber in reverse' -- How do African states 'really' function? -- Democratic demographics -- The economics of democracy -- 'New variant famine' -- The political benefits of AIDS -- Ugandan myths -- ABC : carefully mixed messages -- 'Fighting' AIDS -- On the difficulties of showing success -- Treatment regimes -- Power, choices and survival -- Lutaaya, 'alone' -- Democracies can manage AIDS -- Democracies do not prevent HIV.

In 2004, Darfur, Sudan was described as the "world's greatest humanitarian crisis." Twenty years previously, Darfur was also the site of a disastrous famine. Famine that Kills is a seminal account of that famine, and a social history of the region. In a new preface prepared for this revised edition, Alex de Waal analyzes the roots of the current conflict in land disputes, social disruption and impoverishment. Despite vast changes in the nature of famines and in the capacity of response, de Waal's original challenge to humanitarian theory and practice including a focus on the survival

In 2004, Darfur, Sudan was described as the "world's greatest humanitarian crisis." Twenty years previously, Darfur was also the site of a disastrous famine. Famine that Kills is a seminal account of that famine, and a social history of the region. In a new preface prepared for this revised edition, Alex de Waal analyzes the roots of the current conflict in land disputes, social disruption and impoverishment. Despite vast changes in the nature of famines and in the capacity of response, de Waal's original challenge to humanitarian theory and practice including a focus on the survival.

AbstractThis paper examines the 1994 Declaration of Principles (DoP) for the resolution of the Sudanese civil war, adopted by the Inter‐Governmental Authority on Development (IGAD). This was the only occasion on which an African inter‐state organization included separation as an option for resolving a civil war. It was the basis for South Sudan's independence in 2011. The DoP was drafted by the Ethiopian government, and imposed on belligerent parties, both of which were, at the time, unionist. The paper identifies two concepts of self‐determination within the DoP— independence for colonial territories and the Marxist‐Leninist idea of self‐determination for national groups. The rationale for including both arose from Ethiopian leadership within IGAD. The paper also examines the diverse Sudanese debates on self‐determination, including several strands of nationalism, Islamism, and the 'New Sudan' of the Sudan People's Liberation Movement (SPLM). There was radical disagreement among Sudanese on national identity and self‐determination, creating ambiguities that ironically facilitated the exercise in southern self‐determination in 2011. Drawing on documentation of Sudanese negotiations, the paper examines how the DoP unlocked the Sudanese debate on the issue, and how the different concepts fared up to the time of the independence of South Sudan.

This paper examines the 1994 Declaration of Principles (DoP) for the resolution of the Sudanese civil war, adopted by the Inter-Governmental Authority on Development (IGAD). This was the only occasion on which an African inter-state organization included separation as an option for resolving a civil war. It was the basis for South Sudan's independence in 2011. The DoP was drafted by the Ethiopian government, and imposed on belligerent parties, both of which were, at the time, unionist. The paper identifies two concepts of self-determination within the DoP— independence for colonial territories and the Marxist-Leninist idea of self-determination for national groups. The rationale for including both arose from Ethiopian leadership within IGAD. The paper also examines the diverse Sudanese debates on self-determination, including several strands of nationalism, Islamism, and the 'New Sudan' of the Sudan People's Liberation Movement (SPLM). There was radical disagreement among Sudanese on national identity and self-determination, creating ambiguities that ironically facilitated the exercise in southern self-determination in 2011. Drawing on documentation of Sudanese negotiations, the paper examines how the DoP unlocked the Sudanese debate on the issue, and how the different concepts fared up to the time of the independence of South Sudan.