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'A Cyborg Manifesto' is a required reading in many graduate programs to explore technofeminism, transhumanism, and studies of science and technology to explore notions of gender, race, and other minoritized identities. However, in this essay, I note the ways that Haraway's piece still exacerbates categories of difference, and my own difficulties and critiques of the cyborg identity. I encourage readers to not only consider its importance, but also the limits of the cyborg identity, and how the concept of cyborg itself is fraught with a Western, patriarchal violence that cannot be ignored in the greater context of technology and technological innovation. Although useful in imagining a departure from traditional categories of difference, I inquire as to whether it upholds the very things it purported to dismantle, and explore other scholars' works in challenging the concept. Ultimately, 'cyborgs' are not outside of the politics within which they exist, and must be interpreted in relation to other identity categories without upholding whiteness and Western epistemologies as the center.

The events surrounding the 2020 U.S. election and the January 6 insurrection have challenged scholarly understanding of concepts like collective action, radicalization, and mobilization. In this article, we argue that online far-right radicalization is better understood as a form of distributed cognition, in which the groups' online environment incentivizes certain patterns of behavior over others. Namely, these platforms organize their users in ways that facilitate a nefarious form of collective intelligence, which is amplified and strengthened by systems of algorithmic curation. In short, these platforms reflect and facilitate undemocratic cognition, fueled by affective networks, contributing to events like the January 6 insurrection and far-right extremism more broadly. To demonstrate, we apply this framing to a case study (the "Stop the Steal" movement) to illustrate how this framework can make sense of radicalization and mobilization influenced by undemocratic cognition.

Digital inequalities disproportionately affect vulnerable and marginalized populations, including formerly incarcerated persons (FIPs), who experience compound vulnerabilities, such as advanced aging, disability, low incomes and education, gender-based marginalization, and in the United States also race and ethnicity. Building on existing frameworks of digital skills and Reisdorf and Rikard's digital rehabilitation model, this article examines how FIPs navigate the digital society post-incarceration and provides support for the digital rehabilitation model. Examining data from focus groups with FIPs in the United States, we demonstrate that lack of access to ICTs and the Internet during incarceration deprives FIPs of necessary digital skills to navigate the various fields of everyday life (economic, social, cultural, personal, health) that are deeply embedded in digital technologies. Policies regarding digital rehabilitation need to increase limited Internet access during incarceration and provide comprehensive digital skills training tailored to FIPs to allow their full integration into the speed-of-light society.

The COVID-19 pandemic brought about not only political, social, and economic disaster globally, but also rising hate and the exacerbation of social inequity. As the pandemic spread beyond China, hate crimes against Asians skyrocketed in the United States and internationally. Amidst growing xenophobia and a global health crisis, 2020 also marked worldwide Black Lives Matter protests. Memes that featured "Roof Koreans" started being shared during the protests, along with the already racist memes about COVID-19 that targeted Asians. In this essay, we critically analyze memes from the spring and summer of 2020 to examine how Asian/Americans are not only positioned and reproduced as the Hated Other ("Kung Flu"), but also how they function as Proxies of Hating ("Roof Koreans") in service to white hegemony. Using critical discourse analysis, while also responding to Palumbo-Liu's 1994 essay examining images of Korean Americans from the 1992 LA Uprising as proxies of white hegemony, we explore the symbolic connections between these memes and the pervasive narrative of Asian/Americans as both yellow peril and model minority.

The COVID-19 pandemic brought about not only political, social, and economic disaster globally, but also rising hate and the exacerbation of social inequity. As the pandemic spread beyond China, hate crimes against Asians skyrocketed in the United States and internationally. Amidst growing xenophobia and a global health crisis, 2020 also marked worldwide Black Lives Matter protests. Memes that featured "Roof Koreans" started being shared during the protests, along with the already racist memes about COVID-19 that targeted Asians. In this essay, we critically analyze memes from the spring and summer of 2020 to examine how Asian/Americans are not only positioned and reproduced as the Hated Other ("Kung Flu"), but also how they function as Proxies of Hating ("Roof Koreans") in service to white hegemony. Using critical discourse analysis, while also responding to Palumbo-Liu's 1994 essay examining images of Korean Americans from the 1992 LA Uprising as proxies of white hegemony, we explore the symbolic connections between these memes and the pervasive narrative of Asian/Americans as both yellow peril and model minority.

AbstractA number of issues have emerged related to how platforms moderate and mitigate "harm." Although platforms have recently developed more explicit policies in regard to what constitutes "hate speech" and "harmful content," it appears that platforms often use subjective judgments of harm that specifically pertains to spectacular, physical violence—but harm takes on many shapes and complex forms. The politics of defining "harm" and "violence" within these platforms are complex and dynamic, and represent entrenched histories of how control over these definitions extends to people's perceptions of them. Via a critical discourse analysis of policy documents from three major platforms (Facebook, Twitter, and YouTube), we argue that platforms' narrow definitions of harm and violence are not just insufficient but result in these platforms engaging in a form of symbolic violence. Moreover, the platforms position harm as a floating signifier, imposing conceptions of not just what violence is and how it manifests, but who it impacts. Rather than changing the mechanisms of their design that enable harm, the platforms reconfigure intentionality and causality to try to stop users from being "harmful," which, ironically, perpetuates harm. We provide a number of suggestions, namely a restorative justice‐focused approach, in addressing platform harm.

Frontmatter -- Contents -- Introduction -- Part I COLORISM DEFINED -- 1 Wheatish -- 2 Too Dark -- 3 Sang Duc Ho -- 4 You're So White, You're So Pretty -- 5 You Have Such a Nice Tan! -- 6 Brown Arms -- 7 Hopes for My Daughter -- Part II PRIVILEGE -- 8 Blessed with Beautiful Skin -- 9 Shai Hei -- 10 Whiteness Is Slippery -- 11 Regular Inmates -- 12 Magnetic Repulsion -- Part III ASPIRATIONAL WHITENESS -- 13 Digital Whiteness -- 14 Mrs. Santos's Whitening Cream -- 15 Shade of Brown Noelle Marie Falcis, Filipina American, 27 -- Part IV ANTIBLACKNESS -- 16 Creation Stories -- 17 What It Means to Be Brown -- 18 The Perpetual Outsider -- Part V BELONGING AND IDENTITY -- 19 What Are You? -- 20 Born Filipina, Somewhere in Between -- 21 Invisible to My Own People -- 22 Nobody Deserves to Feel like a Foreigner in Her Own Culture -- 23 Tired -- Part VI SKIN— REDEFINED -- 24 The Very Best of You -- 25 Reprogramming -- 26 Cartographies of Myself -- 27 The Sun Is Calling My Name -- 28 Abominable Honhyeol -- 29 Dear Future Child -- 30 Teeth -- Notes -- Bibliography -- About the Editor -- About the Contributors -- Index

We now live in a pre-crime society, in which information technology strategies and techniques such as predictive policing, actuarial justice and surveillance penology are used to achieve hyper-securitization. However, such securitization comes at a cost – the criminalization of everyday life is guaranteed, justice functions as an algorithmic industry and punishment is administered through dataveillance regimes. This pioneering book explores relevant theories, developing technologies and institutional practices and explains how the pre-crime society operates in the 'ultramodern' age of digital reality construction. Reviewing pre-crime's cultural and political effects, the authors propose new directions in crime control policy