The United Kingdom's last hot war of the Cold War: Oman, 196375
In: Cold war history: a Frank Cass journal, Band 11, Heft 3, S. 441-472
ISSN: 1468-2745
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In: Cold war history: a Frank Cass journal, Band 11, Heft 3, S. 441-472
ISSN: 1468-2745
In: Cold war history, Band 11, Heft 3, S. 441-471
ISSN: 1743-7962
In: APSA 2011 Annual Meeting Paper
SSRN
Working paper
In: Defense and security analysis, Band 39, Heft 2, S. 263-266
ISSN: 1475-1801
World Affairs Online
In: Small wars & insurgencies, Band 31, Heft 4, S. 701-729
ISSN: 1743-9558
In: The journal of strategic studies, Band 44, Heft 3, S. 325-359
ISSN: 1743-937X
In: European journal of international security: EJIS, Band 4, Heft 2, S. 163-189
ISSN: 2057-5645
AbstractFew issues are more important yet less understood than outside interventions in intra-state conflicts. Under what circumstances do intervening states further their interests and when, contrarily, do they plunge into quagmires? France is a critical case. It is, statistically, the world's second intervenor and earned the sobriquet of Africa's gendarme through frequent interventions in African wars. The ability of such a medium-sized state to intervene with greater regularity and ostensible success than larger powers raises questions about how France manages its interventions. Do French interventions draw on the French Army's distinctive 'school' of population-centric counterinsurgency, which emphasises the need to militarise governance in pursuit of comprehensive victories? Or do the French Fifth Republic's civil-military institutions encourage policymakers to carefully regulate force's employment in pursuit of limited ends? This study draws on declassified archives to test which approach most characterises French interventions. To preview my conclusions, strategic satisficing – the use of minimal force for short durations to produce satisfactory outcomes – distinguishes the Fifth Republic's interventions from other powers' practices and prior French counterinsurgencies. This particular form of interventionism enables France to influence a large number of intra-state conflicts and maintain a network of security agreements with African states.
In: New political economy, Band 24, Heft 6, S. 873-891
ISSN: 1469-9923
In: War in history, Band 27, Heft 1, S. 106-135
ISSN: 1477-0385
France's 1968–72 intervention in Chad constitutes a forgotten turning point in the Fifth Republic's foreign relations. Interconnected institutions and treaties gave France a disproportionate influence over its African ex-colonies. French security guarantees underscored this system, however, whereby francophone African leaders continued to accept French economic and political leadership. French leaders discovered in Chad, however, that they had fewer choices and needed to dedicate more resources to fulfilling these commitments than President Charles de Gaulle had intended. Prosperous ex-colonies' leaders judged French commitments' value according to how France responded to crises in its least-valued ex-colonies. Thus, although French analysts viewed intervening in Chad as irrational from a cost–benefit perspective, they found themselves pressured into it.
In: Defence studies, Band 17, Heft 3, S. 242-259
ISSN: 1743-9698
In: New political economy, Band 20, Heft 4, S. 569-25
ISSN: 1356-3467
In: New political economy, Band 20, Heft 4, S. 569-593
ISSN: 1469-9923
In: Cooperation and conflict: journal of the Nordic International Studies Association, Band 49, Heft 4, S. 438-463
ISSN: 0010-8367
World Affairs Online
In: Mediterranean politics, Band 19, Heft 3, S. 463-470
ISSN: 1743-9418
In: Cooperation and conflict: journal of the Nordic International Studies Association, Band 49, Heft 4, S. 438-463
ISSN: 1460-3691
Nothing is more important to Europe's future as a security actor than supplying its armed forces with modern weaponry. Because individual states lack the research and development budgets and scale economies to remain autarkic, the survival of Europe's defence-industrial base depends on international cooperation. As in other areas of international affairs, the ability of states to cooperate 'under anarchy' is inextricably tied to the existence of international institutions. However, the nature of arms production renders the design of institutions particularly challenging. Problems lie in both the multiplicity of potential cooperative outcomes and the variety of policy tools available. Ultimately, the choice of policies and policy tools can generate friction between the key groups of actors involved in defence-industrial policymaking. This study systematically explores how variations in the structure of international armaments institutions have shaped both the influence of different groups of actors and the nature of collaborative weapons projects. To preview my conclusions, three broad trends can be observed in the evolution of armaments institutions. These are as follows: (1) the gradual incorporation of a larger number of actors into the arms cooperation process; (2) the incremental exclusion of military professionals from armaments institutions; and (3) the growing influence of corporate actors.