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In this article, I present a portrait of the American power elite and their relationship with the party system. I focus on occupational categories as institutional positions and take up three questions: Which occupational categories wield social influence? How politically mobilized is each of these occupational categories? And what partisan tilt is exhibited by each category? My results help clarify the contemporary structure of American electoral competition. Furthermore, they also shed light on which social groups have a voice in American politics and, thus, speak to questions of political equality.

This dissertation is about how political parties formed in the world's first mass democracy, the United States. I trace the process of party formation from the bottom up. First, I ask: How do individuals become engaged in politics and develop political affiliations? In most states, throughout the antebellum era, the county was the primary unit of political administration and electoral representation. Owing to their small size, contiguity, and economic homogeneity, I expect that each county's active citizens will form a county-wide governing coalition that organizes and dominates local politics. Second, I ask: Which political actor had incentives to lure county organizations into one coalition? I argue that the institutional rules for electing United States Senators - indirect election by state legislature - induced prospective United States Senators to construct a majority coalition in the state legislature.Drawing on nineteenth century newspapers, I construct a new dataset from the minutes of political meetings in three states between 1820 and 1860. I find that United States Senators created state parties out of homogeneous counties. They encouraged cooperation amongcounty-wide governing coalitions by canvassing annual county political meetings, drafting and revising a multi-issue policy platform that had the potential to unite a majority of the state's county governing coalitions, encouraging individual counties to create county-wide committees of correspondence and vigilance, and, finally, organizing a permanent state central committee and regular state-wide conventions. I also show that alternative political actors lacked the incentives, resources, and long-term policy view necessary to build a state- wide party.I conclude by considering the implications of this argument for debates about the nature of partisan affiliation, party cohesion, the formation of policy agendas, and the linkage between the mass public and the national government in a federal system.

ABSTRACTThe National Popular Vote Interstate Compact (joined so far by ten states and DC) would replace the current presidential-election system, based on the electoral college and the winner-take-all rule, with nationwide plurality rule, and it would do so by changes in state law, not a Constitutional amendment. The mischief that would create (especially procedural instability, noncompliant electors, nation-wide recounts, vote manipulation, and narrowed support), the compact's questionable Constitutionality, the weakness of its defense, and the availability of less calamitous alternatives are reasons enough to reject it.

Three of our arguments drew no objection from Dr. Koza. One is that plurality rule—the heart of his proposed reform—can be anti-majoritarian. In our three-candidate example, Libby was the plurality favorite but Maude beat each of her rivals, Libby included, by a majority. A plurality can be a majority, of course, but the Electoral College has never reversed a popular majority.

Case studies and correlational evidence suggest that celebrity political advocacy leads to media coverage and public attention. With a new dataset of celebrity witnesses at congressional hearings, we develop a systematic analysis that allows us to estimate whether celebrities increase media coverage of the issues they advocate in official government venues. We also use this dataset to measure how much celebrity advocacy efforts increase public engagement with policy issues—a necessary condition for the expansion of issue publics. We find that the issues addressed in congressional hearings featuring celebrity witnesses are about three times more likely to be the subject of the New York Times reporting, but the average celebrity witness has no discernible effect on public issue attention, as measured by Wikipedia page views. We conclude that while the Internet vastly expands the opportunities for political communication, it is difficult to appropriate non-political social network infrastructures to promote policy change.

ABSTRACT
Academic and popular accounts hold that celebrity activists command the attention of political elites. One manifestation of this idea is that celebrities garner greater congressional attention at committee hearings than the substantive experts who typically serve as witnesses. This implies that Members of Congress do not value interaction with experts and are willing to forego those interactions to allocate time to activities with low opportunity costs—activities unimportant enough that they can be passed up for a celebrity encounter. To evaluate these claims, we examined hearing attendance during a 20-year period. We found that celebrity witnesses have little effect on member attendance rates, which suggests that celebrities are a less efficacious route to congressional attention than is commonly believed.

In this manuscript, we introduce a new measure of political influence in California. Leveraging a new dataset of candidate rankings of their own endorsements, we use the Bradley-Terry model to estimate influence for a broad array of officeholders, interest groups, and endorsing organizations who participate in California politics. We call this new measure of influence Clout scores. Our measure of a person's clout is based on how much candidates for office desire that individual's endorsement. Specifically, we measure a political actor's clout by estimating the extent to which that actor's endorsement is preferred to a baseline endorsement group. Our estimates provide an original, empirically-grounded portrait of the distribution of political capital in California and highlight which political elites have the greatest capacity to swing election outcomes.

In this article, we study protest participants in the May 2006 immigration rights marches in Los Angeles. Analysis of original survey data of 876 march participants yields five main results. First, despite substantial dispute among organizers on how to frame the marches, we find protest participants were similar across march locations organized by different coalitions. Second, we find Spanish-English bilingual participants seemed to benefit from being in two media environments, as they reported more information sources about the protest events than monolingual participants. Third, women reported hearing about the protest events from more information sources, and Spanish-English bilingual women reported hearing from more information sources than any other group, suggesting they acted as social connectors behind the massive participation. Fourth, we confirm the importance of Spanish-language radio as an information source, but our data also point to the significance of television and English-language radio. Finally, analyzing data of first-time protesters, we estimate the immigrant rights marches newly politicized 125,000 people in Los Angeles who spoke Spanish and not English.

AbstractAlthough there are now several instruments available to measure social capital in a quantitative manner, very few of them have been validated, and no published study has examined respondents' interpretation of the meaning of the questions. This article represents one of the first attempts to measure the validity of a quantitative social capital instrument. Young Lives is a study that includes quantitative measures of caregivers' social capital using the Short Adapted Social Capital Assessment Tool (Short A-SCAT). Vietnamese respondents' interpretations of questions on social capital were compared to the original intended meaning of the questions and to fieldworkers' interpretations. Semi-structured interviews were conducted with two interpreters who were involved in translating the original questionnaire from English to Vietnamese, two supervisors and six interviewers. In-depth interviews were conducted with 24 female caregivers similar to the original respondents. Key concepts in social capital, like trust and sense of belonging, were interpreted similarly by all actors. Support was perceived narrowly by caregivers (limited to money and goods). Most problems arose from changes originating from translation from English to Vietnamese and by the changing nature of local political structures and how one refers to them. Overall validity appeared fairly high with a "correct interpretation" rate of 77 percent. There is now a valid tool for quickly and cheaply assessing social capital in a quantitative manner in Vietnam.

The Hollywood Connection argues that celebrity politics may matter in broader settings than previously understood. The questions presented in this collection are compelling and timely; the diverse methodologies and robust theoretical applications show the effects of fictional media on consumer audiences and implications for American politics.