Suchergebnisse

What do young people know about politics? What opinions do they have? How extensive or how limited is their interest in politics? Do young people feel as though they can exert influence within the political arena? Do boys and girls differ with respect to these points? Are young people in general more left-wing or more right-wing than the older generation? These are some of the questions which are considered in this book. The answers are applicable to ten European countries. This book is the result of an international conference the editors had organized at the University of Groningen in 1988

"Zentrale Fragen des Beitrag sind: Wie stehen niederländische Eliten und Bürger zu Deutschland? und Wie kommt es, dass der eine niederländische Politiker oder Bürger gegenüber Deutschland positiv eingestellt ist und der andere negativ? Es gibt keine systematische Forschung über wie politische Eliten in den Niederlanden zu Deutschland stehen. Man muss sich deshalb auf einige Eindrücke beschränken. Zwei Informationsquellen über wie niederländische Bürger zu Deutschland und Deutschen stehen zeigen dass im Jahr 1996 das Vertrauen von Niederländern zu Deutschen im Schnitt mäßig war und dass im Jahr 1999 vier von zehn befragten Jugendlichen eine negative Einstellung Deutschland gegenüber hatten. Diese Einstellung wird von sechs Variablen verursacht: überwiegend negative Emotionen, überwiegend negative Klischees von Deutschland und Stereotypen von Deutschen, wenige Kenntnisse von Deutschland und den Deutschen, wenig positive, direkte Kontakte zu Deutschland und Deutschen, eine überwiegend negative Deutschland-bezogene Sozialisation sowie eine sehr positive Haltung gegenüber dem eigenen Land." (Autorenreferat)

In an effort to fight climate change, many cities try to boost their cycling levels. They often look towards the Dutch for guidance. However, historians have only begun to uncover how and why the Netherlands became the premier cycling country of the world. Why were Dutch cyclists so successful in their fight for a place on the road? Cycling Pathways explores the long political struggle that culminated in today's high cycling levels. Delving into the archives, it uncovers the important role of social movements and shows in detail how these interacted with national, provincial, and urban engineers and policymakers to govern the distribution of road space and construction of cycling infrastructure. It discusses a wide range of topics, ranging from activists to engineering committees, from urban commuters to recreational cyclists and from the early 1900s to today in order to uncover the long and all-but-forgotten history of Dutch cycling governance

This article argues that mopeds played an ambivalent but ultimately positive role in the long-term success of Dutch cycling. Unlike in many other countries, Dutch cycling levels dropped but remained significant throughout the 1950s and 1960s, partly because cycling infrastructure continued to be constructed. One underexplored factor explaining this is the role of mopeds in the 1950s. The Netherlands constructed a significant network of cycle paths before the 1950s. When mopeds became popular, the existence of this network raised the question of where they should ride. Engineers and politicians classified mopeds as bicycles, assigning them to the cycle path. As a result, engineers decided to build more and wider cycle paths. Despite the danger and discomfort of sharing cycling paths, cyclists therefore also benefited in the long run from the decision to reframe cycle paths as cycle-and-moped paths.

In an effort to fight climate change, many cities try to boost their cycling levels. They often look towards the Dutch for guidance. However, historians have only begun to uncover how and why the Netherlands became the premier cycling country of the world. Why were Dutch cyclists so successful in their fight for a place on the road? Cycling Pathways explores the long political struggle that culminated in today's high cycling levels. Delving into the archives, it uncovers the important role of social movements and shows in detail how these interacted with national, provincial, and urban engineers and policymakers to govern the distribution of road space and construction of cycling infrastructure. It discusses a wide range of topics, ranging from activists to engineering committees, from urban commuters to recreational cyclists and from the early 1900s to today in order to uncover the long and all-but-forgotten history of Dutch cycling governance.

Defizite im politischen Wissen bei Jugendlichen weisen auf die Notwendigkeit hin, politische Bildung in der Schule und in den Massenmedien zu verbessern. Diese Feststellung vermittelt der präsentierten Studie nicht nur eine wissenschaftliche, sondern auch eine gesellschaftspolitische Relevanz. Politisches Wissen bezieht sich - wie jedes Wissen - auf die Suche nach Wahrheit. Wissen muss von anderen Erkenntnisprodukten wie Überzeugungen, Meinungen, Einstellungen, Emotionen, Werte, Verhaltensabsichten und Verhalten unterschieden werden. In dem untersuchten Kontext wird die Wichtigkeit der Unterscheidung zwischen Wissen und Überzeugungen hervorgehoben. In ihrer Untersuchung konzentrieren sich die Autoren auf objektives, d.h. demonstriertes Wissen. Das objektive Wissen schließt Kenntnis von mehreren verschiedenen Feldern (z.B. den nationalen, ausländischen und internationalen Feldern) sowie Themen innerhalb dieser Felder (z.B. im nationalen politischen Feld: das politische System), und Aspekte dieser Themen ein. Im Mittelpunkt des Forschungsinteresses stehen das niedrige Niveau der Wissensgewinnung, seine primäre Akkumulation und Erweiterung. Die Verfasser untersuchen drei Kategorien von möglichen Erklärungen für die Unterschiede im Hinblick auf das politische Wissen: die Fähigkeit, politische Informationen zu erhalten und zu verarbeiten, die Motivation, damit umzugehen, und die Möglichkeiten, Informationen durch politische Sozialisation zu erhalten. Die Fähigkeit, politische Information zu erhalten und zu verarbeiten, hat einen starken Einfluss auf die Inkorporierung vom politischem Wissen. Diese Fähigkeit ist - so zeigt die Untersuchung - maßgebend für die Differenzen individueller Wissenstände. Dabei werden IQ und das Niveau der Bildungs- und/oder Schulleistung erfasst und mit dem Stand des politischen Wissens in Zusammenhang gebracht. Zum Motivationskomplex gehören den Autoren zufolge nationale Einstellungen, politisches Interesse, politische Engagiertheit, politische Empfänglichkeit, politisches Vertrauen, politischer Zynismus, politische Emotionen, Sympathien für politische Parteien, Bereitschaft zur Wahlbeteiligung und Selbstverständnis der untersuchten Personen. (ICG2). Die Untersuchung enthält quantitative Daten.

"Information and Communication Technology (ICT) innovations and the Internet in particular transform society and politics a good deal. ICT and the Internet also change political socialisation because political elites and middle-level political actors use the Internet for political information, communication, persuasion, and mobilization. These political Internet messages reach a growing number of citizens who rate the credibility of Internet information quite high. They also consider the Internet a convenient, attractive channel for political information. Whether political websites achieve their desired effects cannot easily be assessed. We invited young people to participate (under clinical laboratory conditions) in a 40-minute political party website surfing/browsing session. Time spent on the sites is considered an important condition to measure the influence of political party sites. Our goal was to explain observed variance in the amount of time our subjects spent on political party websites. The independent variable was the variance in the sites' quality. All 10 quality indicators refer to two motivation stimuli: self-efficacy and curiosity. To avoid distortions in our analyses due to unequal distribution of party preferences, we weighted the data for party preference. The hypothesis that the higher the site quality, the longer the site is used could not be falsified: users respond positively to higher-quality sites." (author's abstract)

"Information and Communication Technology (ICT) innovations and the Internet in particular transform society and politics a good deal. ICT and the Internet also change political socialisation because political elites and middle-level political actors use the Internet for political information, communication, persuasion, and mobilization. These political Internet messages reach a growing number of citizens who rate the credibility of Internet information quite high. They also consider the Internet a convenient, attractive channel for political information. Whether political websites achieve their desired effects cannot easily be assessed. We invited young people to participate (under clinical laboratory conditions) in a 40-minute political party website surfing/browsing session. Time spent on the sites is considered an important condition to measure the influence of political party sites. Our goal was to explain observed variance in the amount of time our subjects spent on political party websites. The independent variable was the variance in the sites' quality. All 10 quality indicators refer to two motivation stimuli: self-efficacy and curiosity. To avoid distortions in our analyses due to unequal distribution of party preferences, we weighted the data for party preference. The hypothesis that the higher the site quality, the longer the site is used could not be falsified: users respond positively to higher-quality sites." (author's abstract).