Suchergebnisse

POLICY POINTS: Several intergovernmental organizations (Organisation for Economic Co‐operation and Development, World Health Organization, United Nations) are urging countries to use well‐being indicators (e.g., life satisfaction) in addition to traditional economic indicators when making important policy decisions. As the number of governments implementing this new approach grows, so does the need to continue evaluating the health and well‐being outcomes we might observe from policies aimed at improving life satisfaction. The results of this study suggest that life satisfaction is a valuable target for policies aiming to enhance several indicators of psychosocial well‐being, health behaviors, and physical health outcomes. CONTEXT: Several intergovernmental organizations (Organisation for Economic Co‐operation and Development, World Health Organization, United Nations) are urging countries to use well‐being indicators (e.g., life satisfaction) in addition to traditional economic indicators when making important policy decisions. As the number of governments implementing this new approach grows, so does the need to continue evaluating the health and well‐being outcomes we might observe from policies aimed at improving life satisfaction. METHODS: We evaluated whether positive change in life satisfaction (between t(0);2006/2008 and t(1);2010/2012) was associated with better outcomes on 35 indicators of physical, behavioral, and psychosocial health and well‐being (in t(2);2014/2016). Data were from 12,998 participants in the University of Michigan's Health and Retirement Study—a prospective and nationally representative cohort of US adults over age 50. FINDINGS: Participants with the highest (versus lowest) life satisfaction had better subsequent outcomes on some physical health indicators (lower risk of pain, physical functioning limitations, and mortality; lower number of chronic conditions; and higher self‐rated health) and health behaviors (lower risk of sleep problems and more frequent physical activity), and ...

Evidence suggests that maltreatment shapes the child's brain. Little is known, however, about how normal variation in parenting influences the child neurodevelopment. We examined whether harsh parenting is associated with the brain morphology in 2,410 children from a population-based cohort. Mothers and fathers independently reported harsh parenting at child age 3 years. Structural and diffusion-weighted brain morphological measures were acquired with MRI scans at age 10 years. We explored whether associations between parenting and brain morphology were explained by co-occurring adversities, and whether there was a joint effect of both parents' harsh parenting. Maternal harsh parenting was associated with smaller total gray (β = −0.05 (95%CI = −0.08; −0.01)), cerebral white matter and amygdala volumes (β = −0.04 (95%CI = −0.07; 0)). These associations were also observed with the combined harsh parenting measure and were robust to the adjustment for multiple confounding factors. Similar associations, although non-significant, were found between paternal parenting and these brain outcomes. Maternal and paternal harsh parenting were not associated with the hippocampus or the white matter microstructural metrics. We found a long-term association between harsh parenting and the global brain and amygdala volumes in preadolescents, suggesting that adverse rearing environments common in the general population are related to child brain morphology.