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The purpose of this article is to analyse institutionalised paralogisms, social and economic inequalities, and frustrating consequences arising from decades of symbolic and real war and post-war violence against the population of Bosnia and Herzegovina. The historic background of this paper is the war in Bosnia and Herzegovina (1992–1995), as presented in the reports of the United Nations and documents produced during international and national trials concerning war crimes. The analytical basis is a literature review of various studies from the domains of social epistemology, war sociology, and sociology of knowledge. Immanent antinomies, contradictions, and political, legal, and criminal perpetually institutionalise and reproduce the identitary references to war vocabulary. For this reason, creation of publicly responsible programs is necessary to evaluate the prescriptive impact of the domination of cultural and identity differences between peoples in Bosnia and Herzegovina. The genocide of Bosnian Bosniaks in the war against the Bosnian–Herzegovinian multicultural society urges the creation of a completely different description, prescription, logic of naming, and explanation strategy to achieve transitional change. The article criticized globalisation as a form of new colonisation and natural-science quantative emphasis. In the spirit of the analysed scientific literature, future scientific analyses should focus on the criminal, social, economic, ecological, anti-educational, sociopathological, and anomic consequences of the (catastrophic) impact of decades of symbolic and real war and post-war violence against the population of Bosnia and Herzegovina. ; Challenges of the 21st Century: Democracy, Environment, Inequalities, Intersectionality, the 4th ISA Forum of Sociology, International Sociological Association and Brazilian Society of Sociology, Porto Alegre, Brazil, (20210223-20210227). "War Violence, Conflict of Values, and Populism. Socio-Cultural Analysis of Bosnian–Herzegovinian Post-genocide Society", with Zlatan Delić, University of Tuzla, Bosnia and Herzegovina. (Session: "The Conflict of Values in the Socio-Cultural Space".) ; War anomie

The purpose of this article is to analyse institutionalised paralogisms, social and economic inequalities, and frustrating consequences arising from decades of symbolic and real war and post-war violence against the population of Bosnia and Herzegovina. The historic background of this paper is the war in Bosnia and Herzegovina (1992–1995), as presented in the reports of the United Nations and documents produced during international and national trials concerning war crimes. The analytical basis is a literature review of various studies from the domains of war sociology, criminology, and sociology of knowledge. Immanent antinomies, contradictions, and political, legal, and criminal perpetually institutionalise and reproduce the identitary references to war vocabulary. For this reason, creation of publicly responsible programs is necessary to evaluate the prescriptive impact of the domination of cultural and identity differences between peoples in Bosnia and Herzegovina. The genocide of Bosnian Bosniaks in the war against the Bosnian–Herzegovinian multicultural society urges the creation of a completely different description, prescription, logic of naming, and explanation strategy to achieve transitional change. The article criticized globalisation as a form of new colonisation and natural-science quantative emphasis. In the spirit of the analysed scientific literature, future scientific analyses should focus on the criminal, social, economic, ecological, anti-educational, sociopathological, and anomic consequences of the (catastrophic) impact of decades of symbolic and real war and post-war violence against the population of Bosnia and Herzegovina. ; (Conference canceled)

The aim of the paper is to analyse: 1) the negative/dark sides of social capital in the Bosnian–Herzegovinian post-genocide society that emerged because of decades of symbolic and real war and post-war violence against the people in Bosnia and Herzegovina; and 2) the possibility of social development in the direction of a positive/lighter side of social capital, in the sense of legitimising progressive politics of social development based on the following foundations: a) learning peace, coexistence, and reconciliation; b) acknowledgment that genocide was carried out during the war and actively denied after the war; c) condemnation of genocide (both during the war and the post-war period); and d) active work to recognise the status of and obtain compensation for the victims of the genocide (at the social, organisational/institutional, and individual levels). ; War anomie

The aim of this study is to reach a new understanding of genocide in northwestern Bosnia and Herzegovina during and after the Bosnian War (1992–1995). The analytical basis is a literature review of various studies from the domains of war sociology, social epistemology, and critical pedagogy. The analysis is based on the perspectives of the genocide in Bosnia as a process that began in northwestern and eastern Bosnia in 1992 and ended in Srebrenica in 1995 (in the Prijedor Municipality in northwestern Bosnia alone, more than 3000 civilians were killed in 1992). Even after mass crimes directed against the very idea of humanity – and after genocide – it is necessary to work on a pedagogy of notions focused on the politics of reconciliation and the politics of emancipation of the oppressed and disenfranchised. Therefore, it is important for the culture of peace and the politics of reconciliation to spread and promote the considerable theoretical experiences of critical pedagogy in education. We need a peaceful orientational knowledge that provides the basis for new identity politics to evolve, politics that respect the right to be different and the right to bravely distance ourselves from criminal identity politics. ; Published June 2020 ; War anomie

The symbolic order of discourse of ideology actually enables the existence and reproduction of violence. Mass crimes on civilians may become normalized and widely accepted if perpetrators of violence who exert violence and those who implicitly and explicitly support it believe that exertion of violence on others is justified by belief in some symbolic higher order. Many current examples of justification of war violence, as well as many examples of decades of denying accountability for committed genocide crimes, may be found in political and discursive perseverance of Greater Serbian ideology. This ideology is expanding through institutions and media, under the trademark of neoliberalism and ethnomathematic democracy – and with undiminished severity applies in the field – 20 years after the genocide in Srebrenica which was committed in the last decade of the 20th century by Serbian army and police during the war against the Republic of Bosnia and Herzegovina. In this paper, we start from the insight that we need holistic longitudinal researches of global and regional conditions of possibility for war violence and genocide to occur (again). The general focus of the paper is on (1) microsociological and symbolic-interactional analysis of the meaning of slaughtering people; (2) macrosociological analysis of strategic meaning of rape and persecution of civilians, adults and children (with an aim to normalize forced migrations and creation of so-called "pure cultures" and "ethnically pure territories"), and (3) on need of reflective understanding of thoroughly reasoned discursive models that lead, or may lead, to production and reproduction of war violence. The moral of our research – in the circumstances of troubling explosion of global migrations – is possible to understand if we take into account the global, that is anti-civilization, meaning of ideological, symbolic and actual violence contained in inadequately thought project of creation of "ethnically pure territories", especially in the context of understanding broader consequences of forced migrations of population (so-called "humane migrations of people"), and the one which makes up the integral part of the Greater Serbian ideology.

The aim of this article is to critically analyse intellectual conditions for education pertaining to the empirical and normative knowledge dimensions that can oppose the ideologies of neo-fascism. The analytical basis is a literature review of various studies from the domains of sociology of knowledge, war sociology, social epistemology, and critical pedagogy. The article explains the social need for better-quality public education pertaining to the meaning of political, media, and religious use and misuse of "identitarian concepts" and "identitarian terminology." The privileged strategies of the political application of referential systems and mechanisms of 'differentiating' serve as the epistemic foundation to teach the concepts, terminology, taxonomies, and classifications used to separate people into "ours" and "theirs." The genocide of Bosnian Bosniaks in the war against the Bosnian-Herzegovinian multicultural society conveys the need to create peaceful emancipatory identity politics and for a new pedagogy of emancipation of many of the oppressed and disenfranchised who are difficult to explicitly name. Conceptual problems, related to certain obvious paradoxes intrinsic in the politics of the collective representation of citizens after genocide, are linked to these processes. ; War anomie