Suchergebnisse

Acte de la Journée d'études "Questionner l'effondrement" le 21 novembre 2019 à l'Université de Lille ; Recently, the place of women in ecology and their critics of resource exploitation has been rediscovered. Eco-feminism, a political and theoretical current that embraces the cause of the environment and that of women, offers a hardly visible point of view on the collapse. Like the 19th c. struggles against industrial pollution, women's mobilizations have long been forgotten. These movements and thoughts, which had been dormant for two decades, have regained visibility in the current context. On the margins of the women's advocacy field, women's groups propose an analysis of the ecological crisis from a women's point of view. According to the Antigones, an association born in 2014, "The ecological crisis is most of the time interpreted in ethical terms - respect for nature, responsibility, etc. - but it is also a question of the need to take into account the social, economic and environmental consequences of the crisis. Moreover, the reading grid is often simply utilitarian: if growth is to continue, we must take the means to make our development "sustainable". But the issue at stake is more than just "moralization": it is our way of perceiving and understanding reality". Alterfeminism, articulates the observation of a collapse to a militant praxis involving the female body. Among the groups that compose it, we can distinguish the Antigones founded in Paris in 2014, and the current of Integral Feminism resulting from the reflections led by former and former activists against same-sex marriage (2013). Their reflections invite us to reconsider the way in which the contemporary collapse is being grasped by women who are mobilising as women against this predicted disappearance of certain species and environmental and anthropological balances. These groups offer a situated perspective on the way in which bodies and their existence are affected by pollution and technological developments linked to neo-liberal ...

Acte de la Journée d'études "Questionner l'effondrement" le 21 novembre 2019 à l'Université de Lille ; Recently, the place of women in ecology and their critics of resource exploitation has been rediscovered. Eco-feminism, a political and theoretical current that embraces the cause of the environment and that of women, offers a hardly visible point of view on the collapse. Like the 19th c. struggles against industrial pollution, women's mobilizations have long been forgotten. These movements and thoughts, which had been dormant for two decades, have regained visibility in the current context. On the margins of the women's advocacy field, women's groups propose an analysis of the ecological crisis from a women's point of view. According to the Antigones, an association born in 2014, "The ecological crisis is most of the time interpreted in ethical terms - respect for nature, responsibility, etc. - but it is also a question of the need to take into account the social, economic and environmental consequences of the crisis. Moreover, the reading grid is often simply utilitarian: if growth is to continue, we must take the means to make our development "sustainable". But the issue at stake is more than just "moralization": it is our way of perceiving and understanding reality". Alterfeminism, articulates the observation of a collapse to a militant praxis involving the female body. Among the groups that compose it, we can distinguish the Antigones founded in Paris in 2014, and the current of Integral Feminism resulting from the reflections led by former and former activists against same-sex marriage (2013). Their reflections invite us to reconsider the way in which the contemporary collapse is being grasped by women who are mobilising as women against this predicted disappearance of certain species and environmental and anthropological balances. These groups offer a situated perspective on the way in which bodies and their existence are affected by pollution and technological developments linked to neo-liberal ...

Feminisms are in tension. If feminism has never been a unified movement, today, technological and cultural possibilities have made the very subject of feminism explode. Neither gender nor sex are stable categories. Not only is the feminist political project the object of struggles within the space of the cause, but the very subject of feminism is uncertain. Once confined to the margins, non-binary and labile identities question the category of "woman" based on a supposedly shared experience of domination and sexuation. Any coalition, any social movement, made up of diverse organisations (Social movement organisation SMO) is subject to tensions over the political project, the objectives, the strategy, the tactics and, sometimes, the political subject. The question I wish to adress is the specificity of contemporary tensions within women advocacy. Contemporary feminist struggles are being transformed by globalisation, which has strong effects on the intensity and temporality of the links between groups that define themselves as feminists. These organisations that pose a collective definition of the feminist political subject, bringing people together around an egalitarian political project-liberal or socialistwere born at the end of the 19th century. At that time, the legal norms of most states were marked by different inequalities and defined the contours of a gendered and hierarchical social and political order according to status. Today, as a result of past mobilisations, the reference framework for international public policies is egalitarian, even if the national or local versions of these norms are not always egalitarian. This has an effect, in France, on the way in which the generations born from the 1970s onwards have been socialised in a political regime and a symbolic order that is egalitarian between men and women. Nevertheless, gender relations remain structuring, even if changes in the labour market, the family and the political field have euphemistically enhanced their scope. On the basis of this ...

International audience ; Is France in a new cycle of contention, ranging from occupation movements such as Occupy Wall Street, the "Arab Springs" of 2011 to more recent protest in Hong Kong? In November 2018, the outburst of the Yellow Vests movement has surprised many observers with its magnitude, its forms and its length. The movement started in the fall of 2018 with an online petition launched by a young entrepreneur from the Paris "banlieue", Priscillia Ludosky. Quickly, different groups and individuals took over social networks and Facebook pages became rallying points. The mobilization continued for several weeks with a high level of intensity, mixing tactics and repertoire of action ranging from demonstration to occupations. The roundabouts have been invested with an unexpected gathering function, through occupation or even deliberation, in rural, urban and suburban France. Today the YV are still active in Saturday demonstrations against COVID-Pass, on roundabouts or in associations. In spite of their rejection of political institutions, the French municipal elections of 2020 led some of the participants to embrace conventional politics. Under which circumstances can a social movement lead to political participation? And how do participants deal with embracing the politics they've tried so hard to avoid for two years? What happened when two different electoral lists claimed to represent the YV? The case of a French Southwestern City where two "citizens'" lists emerged from the YV provide insightful views on politicization before and within a social movement. Relying on quantitative and qualitative data, we can establish how temporality of the social movement affected politicization. In the run-up to the 2019 European elections, and then especially the municipal elections, the different "group cultures" and conceptions of democracy became apparent. They were evident in a city in the southwest of France where two lists claiming to be part of the Yellow Vests competed with each other. While the first – ...

International audience ; The protest against marriage for same-sex couples has opened the way for a recomposition of women's advocacy organizations. While a consensus emerged between associations and personalities committed to gender equality and gender equality policies, in other words equality policies in different areas including sexuality, this bill open the floor for a vast protest whitin righ wing parties and Catholic associations. It unified the Right within a coalition against same-sex marriage. It also provide an opportunity for conservative or Right-Wing Women to access leadership and gain visibility. The demonstrations gave way to other collective actions in which women intervened, as women, to oppose this reform and other equality policies carried out by the socialist government. By exposing the gendered rationales behind the legal definition of marriage and parenthood, the same-sex marriage reform provoked resistance and led women to reformulate the women's cause in a conservative sense. This rhetoric is not new and is not specific to France. But it is carried by a specific and unprecedented configuration. ; La contestation du projet de loi Taubira sur le mariage pour les couples de même sexe a ouvert la voie à une recomposition de l'espace de la cause des femmes. En même temps qu'il participait d'un consensus entre associations et personnalités engagées en faveur de l'égalité homme femme et des politiques d'égalité de genre, autrement dit des politiques d'égalité dans différents domaines y compris de la sexualité, ce projet de loi a décloisonné l'espace des droites en les unifiant contre le mariage homosexuel. Les manifestations ont fait place à d'autres actions collectives dans lesquelles des femmes sont intervenues, en tant que femmes, pour s'opposer à cette réforme et à d'autres politiques d'égalité menées par le gouvernement socialiste. En mettant au jour les logiques genrées qui présidaient à la définition légale du mariage et de la filiation, la réforme Taubira a suscité des résistances et ...

International audience ; The protest against marriage for same-sex couples has opened the way for a recomposition of women's advocacy organizations. While a consensus emerged between associations and personalities committed to gender equality and gender equality policies, in other words equality policies in different areas including sexuality, this bill open the floor for a vast protest whitin righ wing parties and Catholic associations. It unified the Right within a coalition against same-sex marriage. It also provide an opportunity for conservative or Right-Wing Women to access leadership and gain visibility. The demonstrations gave way to other collective actions in which women intervened, as women, to oppose this reform and other equality policies carried out by the socialist government. By exposing the gendered rationales behind the legal definition of marriage and parenthood, the same-sex marriage reform provoked resistance and led women to reformulate the women's cause in a conservative sense. This rhetoric is not new and is not specific to France. But it is carried by a specific and unprecedented configuration. ; La contestation du projet de loi Taubira sur le mariage pour les couples de même sexe a ouvert la voie à une recomposition de l'espace de la cause des femmes. En même temps qu'il participait d'un consensus entre associations et personnalités engagées en faveur de l'égalité homme femme et des politiques d'égalité de genre, autrement dit des politiques d'égalité dans différents domaines y compris de la sexualité, ce projet de loi a décloisonné l'espace des droites en les unifiant contre le mariage homosexuel. Les manifestations ont fait place à d'autres actions collectives dans lesquelles des femmes sont intervenues, en tant que femmes, pour s'opposer à cette réforme et à d'autres politiques d'égalité menées par le gouvernement socialiste. En mettant au jour les logiques genrées qui présidaient à la définition légale du mariage et de la filiation, la réforme Taubira a suscité des résistances et ...

International audience ; Is France in a new cycle of contention, ranging from occupation movements such as Occupy Wall Street, the "Arab Springs" of 2011 to more recent protest in Hong Kong? In November 2018, the outburst of the Yellow Vests movement has surprised many observers with its magnitude, its forms and its length. The movement started in the fall of 2018 with an online petition launched by a young entrepreneur from the Paris "banlieue", Priscillia Ludosky. Quickly, different groups and individuals took over social networks and Facebook pages became rallying points. The mobilization continued for several weeks with a high level of intensity, mixing tactics and repertoire of action ranging from demonstration to occupations. The roundabouts have been invested with an unexpected gathering function, through occupation or even deliberation, in rural, urban and suburban France. Today the YV are still active in Saturday demonstrations against COVID-Pass, on roundabouts or in associations. In spite of their rejection of political institutions, the French municipal elections of 2020 led some of the participants to embrace conventional politics. Under which circumstances can a social movement lead to political participation? And how do participants deal with embracing the politics they've tried so hard to avoid for two years? What happened when two different electoral lists claimed to represent the YV? The case of a French Southwestern City where two "citizens'" lists emerged from the YV provide insightful views on politicization before and within a social movement. Relying on quantitative and qualitative data, we can establish how temporality of the social movement affected politicization. In the run-up to the 2019 European elections, and then especially the municipal elections, the different "group cultures" and conceptions of democracy became apparent. They were evident in a city in the southwest of France where two lists claiming to be part of the Yellow Vests competed with each other. While the first – ...

Feminisms are in tension. If feminism has never been a unified movement, today, technological and cultural possibilities have made the very subject of feminism explode. Neither gender nor sex are stable categories. Not only is the feminist political project the object of struggles within the space of the cause, but the very subject of feminism is uncertain. Once confined to the margins, non-binary and labile identities question the category of "woman" based on a supposedly shared experience of domination and sexuation. Any coalition, any social movement, made up of diverse organisations (Social movement organisation SMO) is subject to tensions over the political project, the objectives, the strategy, the tactics and, sometimes, the political subject. The question I wish to adress is the specificity of contemporary tensions within women advocacy. Contemporary feminist struggles are being transformed by globalisation, which has strong effects on the intensity and temporality of the links between groups that define themselves as feminists. These organisations that pose a collective definition of the feminist political subject, bringing people together around an egalitarian political project-liberal or socialistwere born at the end of the 19th century. At that time, the legal norms of most states were marked by different inequalities and defined the contours of a gendered and hierarchical social and political order according to status. Today, as a result of past mobilisations, the reference framework for international public policies is egalitarian, even if the national or local versions of these norms are not always egalitarian. This has an effect, in France, on the way in which the generations born from the 1970s onwards have been socialised in a political regime and a symbolic order that is egalitarian between men and women. Nevertheless, gender relations remain structuring, even if changes in the labour market, the family and the political field have euphemistically enhanced their scope. On the basis of this ...

M. Della Sudda, « Des femmes catholiques contre l'État : mobilisations contre les politiques de laïcité (1901-1914) », in Christine Bouneau et Nicolas Patin (dir.), La Société civile organisée contre l'État : la question des mineurs/minorés/minorisés, Pessac, MSHA, pp.59-73 1 Journée d'études La société civile organisée contre l'État (France, Europe, du XIX e siècle à nos jours) : la question des mineurs/minorés/minorisés. Vendredi 15 mars 2019 MSHA, salle Jean Borde Organisation : Christine Bouneau (SCOR et CEMMC) et Nicolas Patin (SCOR et CEMMC). Des femmes catholiques contre l'État : mobilisations contre les politiques de laïcité (1901-1914) 1 La société civile désigne habituellement les individus ou collectifs organisés en dehors des partis politiques. La pensée politique libérale considère que la société civile offre un contre-pouvoir à l'État. Dans cette perspective, la notion de « culture civique » a fait l'objet de discussion et de débats en science politique et dans l'espace démocratique. Cette notion, proposée par Almond et Verba dans les années 1950 promeut l'idée que la « culture civique » développée dans les associations est un élément essentiel de la démocratie. Cette culture civique serait forgée en dehors des partis politiques et des institutions politiques, au sein d'associations représentant la « société civile » 2. Cette perspective a été contestée en raison de son caractère normatif (la culture civique est l'expression de la société civile, en tant que telle elle est favorable à la démocratie), développementaliste (l'évolution irait d'une culture « paroissiale » vers une culture nationale, méthodologique (elle repose essentiellement sur des enquêtes par questionnaire). Néanmoins, par l'accent porté sur la « culture politique », autrement dit la politisation par des associations, elle offre un point de départ pour comprendre comment des groupes minorisés ont pu accéder à la représentation politique, y compris en s'opposant à l'Etat ou à la République. Le cas des ligues catholiques féminines, ...

International audience ; This presentation questions a use of spiritual sanction that may seem paradoxical: the Church intervention in the political field in French Third Republic. In a context of secularisation acknowledged by sociologists and deplored by clerics, religious sanction was used throughout the 20th century in the French political field. Political groups as the christian-democrat Le Sillon, the monarchist l'Action Française, but also Catholics suspected of sympathising with communism were subjected to various types of religious sanctions, the memory of which is still evident today. Less well known is the condemnation of feminism in the midst of the modernist crisis, which drew the wrath of certain members of the Roman Curia on Catholic women professing an egalitarian and democratic feminine spirituality. The case of Action Française is without doubt the one that has been the subject of the richest works. We propose here to return to the 1926 condemnation and its variations by paying closer attention to the process of enunciation and application of the sanction, and in particular to the way in which the clerics interpreted it and put it into practice. The performance of certain rites becomes an indicator of political orthodoxy. More specifically, we will examine the modes of coercion used to enforce the Roman Curia's decision from Cardinal Andrieu's letter and the Holy Office's decree of 29 December 1926 to the lifting of sanctions in 1939 through case studies. We will base our analysis on the documents kept in the collection of the Extraordinary Ecclesiastical Affairs and in that of the Apostolic Nunciature of France (Vatican Secret Archives). ; La communication interroge un usage qui peut sembler paradoxal de la sanction spirituelle : l'intervention dans le champ politique au XXe siècle. Dans un contexte de sécularisation constatée par les sociologues et déplorée par les clercs, la sanction religieuse fut utilisée tout au long du XXe siècle dans le champ politique. Le Sillon, l'Action Française, ...

International audience ; Recently, the place of women in ecology and their critics of resource exploitation has been rediscovered. Eco-feminism, a political and theoretical current that embraces the cause of the environment and that of women, offers a hardly visible point of view on the collapse. Like the 19th c. struggles against industrial pollution, women's mobilizations have long been forgotten. These movements and thoughts, which had been dormant for two decades, have regained visibility in the current context. On the margins of the women's advocacy field, women's groups propose an analysis of the ecological crisis from a women's point of view. According to the Antigones, an association born in 2014, "The ecological crisis is most of the time interpreted in ethical terms - respect for nature, responsibility, etc. - but it is also a question of the need to take into account the social, economic and environmental consequences of the crisis. Moreover, the reading grid is often simply utilitarian: if growth is to continue, we must take the means to make our development "sustainable". But the issue at stake is more than just "moralization": it is our way of perceiving and understanding reality". Alterfeminism, articulates the observation of a collapse to a militant praxis involving the female body. Among the groups that compose it, we can distinguish the Antigones founded in Paris in 2014, and the current of Integral Feminism resulting from the reflections led by former and former activists against same-sex marriage (2013). Their reflections invite us to reconsider the way in which the contemporary collapse is being grasped by women who are mobilising as women against this predicted disappearance of certain species and environmental and anthropological balances. These groups offer a situated perspective on the way in which bodies and their existence are affected by pollution and technological developments linked to neo-liberal capitalism. For example, exposure to endocrine disruptors and the specific effects on ...

J'adresse ma reconnaissante à Jean-Marc Berlière, Fabien Thétaz, Hervé Rayner, Bernard Voutat, Alexandre Rios Bordes, Anthony Amicelle et Didier Bigo pour la richesse de nos échanges. Une pensée toute particulière va à Laurent Bonelli qui m'a associée à ce projet, je le remercie très chaleureusement pour nos discussions, ses remarques et relectures. Merci enfin à Antonia Garcia C. et à toute l'équipe de rédaction de la revue pour leur travail d'édition sans lesquels cette publication n'aurait vu le jour. ; International audience ; The proclamation of the Third Republic paved the way for the secularization of the French state. As a consequence, since the majority of Catholics were hostile to a liberal political order and social equality whilst being suspected of owing allegiance to a foreign power, the Vatican, they became a target of French intelligence. The archives have left a record of this growing concern to monitor and to better control religious groups that might undermine the republican order. In conjunction with policies of secularism, the religious threat gradually takes on a new face: that of religious congregations and secularized followers. This article is devoted to documenting the adaptation of surveillance systems to a new category of enemies, suspected of disturbing both republican order and ecclesial order. ; Comment la surveillance des fidèles est-elle mise à l'épreuve par le régime de séparation des cultes instauré par la loi de 1905 ? Dans les années 1890 et jusqu'à la Grande guerre, les catholiques, hostiles à un ordre politique libéral et pourfendeurs de l'égalité sociale, sont suspects d'allégeance à une puissance étrangère, le Vatican. Les archives ont laissé un témoignage de ce souci croissant de surveiller pour mieux contrôler les groupes religieux pouvant porter atteinte à l'ordre républicain. Avec les politiques de laïcité, la menace religieuse prend peu à peu un nouveau visage : celui de la congréganiste ou de la religieuse sécularisée. C'est à l'actualisation des dispositifs de ...