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In his contribution, Alex Demirovi? uses the term authoritarian populism coined by Stuart Hall and understands it as a particular form of neoliberal crisis management. Similar to the Thatcherism that Hall had in mind, authoritarian populism in the current period is a policy pursued by parts of the power block. It does not contradict neoliberalism, but continues it by other means. As in the preceding phases of neoliberal politics, it is no longer a matter of hegemony, but of seeking to avoid concessions to the dominated classes.

"Modernity establishes an orientation towards the future and is expecting all solutions from forthcoming times. Arguing against Hegel and referring to Walter Benjamin's concept of now-time the article argues for a radical immanence and defends a re-orientation (also in left politics) towards the presence." (author's abstract)

"Alex Demirovic begreift den Autonomiebegriff als eine 'strategische Ressource' in den politischen Kämpfen um Wissenschaft und Hochschule. Gleichzeitig ist die Bedeutungsdimension dieses Begriffes immer umstritten, wie im Folgenden dargelegt wird." (Autorenreferat)

"His recently published book on the economic crisis Wolfgang Streeck, one of the advisors of the former chancellor Gerhard Schroder, is a harsh critique of the trajectory of economic policies parties in Germany followed since the late sixties. The article discusses the arguments and proves the contradictions in Streecks approach. Streecks argues that mass support of the welfare state capitalism in the early seventies eroded. Capital withdrew its trust in democratic capitalism as the compromise between social classes. Thus an unexpected crisis of legitimation began. The state under the leading role of social democratic parties started with measures to ensure the loyalty of the working class but failed in a specific way. Crisis management led to crises on a higher level. Streecks approach claims to be critical. But nevertheless it doesn't draw the necessary consequences, i.e. a critique of the social democracy that finally turns out to fail as a project: crisis management leads to the recent crisis of the EU and the monetary union. His recommendations: to go back to the ruins of the welfare state are not convincing. The book shows that social democracy confronted with the results of its own policies is perplexed." (author's abstract)

The article approaches Slavoj Zizeks recent works on the condition of late capitalism in three steps: in the first chapter the approach of Adorno's cultural critique is presents, in the second chapter Gramsci's and Poulantzas' ways of analyzing the relations of class forces. It is argued that both approaches contribute essential and complementary concepts and it would be worth to integrate them in one overall approach. In the third chapter Slavoj Zizek's work is examined to find out if and in which way it contributes to such an integration. Adapted from the source document.

"The article sketches out three arguments: a) The financial crisis that dominates the economic and political processes since 2008 transforms the transnationalized network state into a new form of the exceptional state. Arguing against those who describe the actual conjuncture as authoritarian statism, the author argues that the new is a governmentalized austerity state. b) Since long critical state theory argues that democracy is in a crisis. But the process is not one of a constant decline but rather a cycle; and the cycle is determined by the compromises between social classes. c) In the recent crisis of democracy not only new actors appeared fighting for real democracy but also the theories of radical democracy became radicalized. This is demonstrated in the discussion of the approaches of Jurgen Habermas and Chantal Mouffe. The theory of democracy overcomes the liberal distinction of economy and politics and tends to democratize social complexity in itself." (author's abstract)

"The article approaches Slavoj Zizeks recent works on the condition of late capitalism in three steps: in the first chapter the approach of Adorno's cultural critique is presents, in the second chapter Gramsci's and Poulantzas' ways of analyzing the relations of class forces. It is argued that both approaches contribute essential and complementary concepts and it would be worth to integrate them in one overall approach. In the third chapter Slavoj Zizek's work is examined to find out if and in which way it contributes to such an integration." (author's abstract)

Nach Jahrzehnten der Abhängigkeit vom Staat scheint es, dass die Hochschulen ökonomischen Imperativen unterworfen werden. Diese Entwicklung wirft Fragen nach der Autonomie der Hochschulen auf: Was bedeutet Autonomie der Hochschulen überhaupt? In welchem Verhältnis steht die Autonomie der Hochschulen zur Demokratie? Kann die Politik die Autonomie der Hochschulen besser gewährleisten als die Ökonomie? Können die Hochschulen überhaupt in ihrer Autonomie wirklich eingeschränkt werden? Schließlich: Warum ist Autonomie der Hochschulen überhaupt notwendig und etwas Wünschenswertes? (DIPF/Orig.)