Suchergebnisse

What drives China's Belt and Road Initiative (BRI)? While some claim that the BRI is primarily about economic development, others see it as a grand strategy of a rising power with hegemonic aspirations. Is the BRI about development or geopolitics? This article adopts a political economy approach to bridge the developmental and geopolitical perspectives on the BRI. The primary argument is that the BRI signifies an attempt by the Chinese state to manage internal problems of capital accumulation by externalising development. In this sense, this is a typical crisis of capitalist development which generates a drive for geographic expansion and restructuring. The distinguishing feature of the BRI, apart from its sheer scale, is its emphasis on connectivity. Rather than simply exporting excess capital and capacity onto others, the BRI seeks to re-territorialise developmental spaces by connecting them via economic corridors consisting of hard and soft infrastructure networks. It is also contended here that in the process of constructing new infrastructures of capital, the BRI creates space for new forms of asymmetric interdependence between China and its partners. To the extent that such asymmetric relations generate costs of exiting China-centred networks, the initiative serves a geopolitical as well as a developmental function. Asymmetric interdependencies, whether they are by design or by-products of enhanced connectivity, thus facilitate China's pursuit for a more prominent role in the international order.

Demiryol, Tolga/0000-0002-0410-3563 ; WOS:000467382300006 ; Can natural resources facilitate regional cooperation? Recent discoveries of natural gas in the Eastern Mediterranean have led many to ask whether natural resources can bring peace and prosperity to the region. This article draws upon the contrast between liberal and realist perspectives on interdependence to explicate the extent to which shared economic interests can facilitate political cooperation in a conflict-ridden region. The analysis of Turkey's Eastern Mediterranean strategy corroborates the proposition that when states prioritize security over prosperity, they will likely continue to escalate political tensions even if this jeopardizes economic gains from cooperation. ; Turkiye Bilimsel ve Teknolojik Arastirma KurumuTurkiye Bilimsel ve Teknolojik Arastirma Kurumu (TUBITAK) [114K378] ; This work was supported by the Turkiye Bilimsel ve Teknolojik Arastirma Kurumu under Grant 114K378.

Bu çalışmada yakın dönem Türkiye-Rusya enerji ilişkileri karşılıklı bağımlılık perspektifinden incelenmektedir. Çalışmada asimetrik bağımlılık koşulları altında siyasi işbirliği süreçlerini şekillendiren iki faktörün altı çizilmektedir: tarafların karşılıklı bağımlılığa dair tehdit algıları ve asimetri kaynaklı risklerin yönetilmesi için izlenen stratejiler. İthalat bağımlılığının nasıl algılandığı sorunu güvenlikleştirme (securitization) olgusu üzerinden tartışılırken, asimetrik bağımlılık kaynaklı risklerin yönetimi ise kompartımanlaştırma (compartmentalization) kavramı yardımıyla ele alınmıştır. Türkiye-Rusya vakası göstermektedir ki kompartımanlaştırma stratejisinin efektif olduğu ve aynı zamanda ithalat bağımlılığının güvenlik-dışılaştırıldığı dönemlerde asimetrik karşılıklı bağımlılık siyasi işbirliğine zemin teşkil edebilir. Buna karşılık jeopolitik çıkar çatışmalarının kompartımanlaştırma mekanizmasını sınırladığı ve ithalat bağımlılığı güvenlikleştirdiği durumlarda, hiyerarşik güç ilişkileri ve rekabet dinamikleri görünür hale gelmektedir. ; This paper analyzes Turkey-Russia energy relations from the perspective of economic interdependence. It is argued that two factors have an impact on political cooperation under asymmetric interdependence: threat perceptions of interdependent actors and their strategies to manage the risks stemming from asymmetry. The concept of securitization helps us understand when and how asymmetric interdependence is perceived as a threat, while the notion of compartmentalization sheds light on actors' strategies to minimize the detrimental impact of asymmetry on cooperation. The case of asymmetric interdependence between Turkey and Russia suggests that when compartmentalization works effectively and energy interdependence is desecuritized, bilateral political cooperation is possible. However, when divergent geopolitical interests undermine compartmentalization and securitize asymmetric dependence, hierarchies of power and competition among interdependent actors are crystallized.

Workshop on Great Powers and Geopolitics - International Affairs in a Rebalancing World -- NOV, 2013 -- Jerusalem, ISRAEL ; Demiryol, Tolga/0000-0002-0410-3563 ; WOS:000383744900004 ; This article provides a realist account of the puzzling trajectory of Russian-Turkish bilateral relations since the early 2000s. Between 2003 and 2011 these two major Eurasian powers engaged in an unprecedented level of political cooperation under the framework of "strategic partnership." Bilateral relations deteriorated after 2011, indicating a return to a more competitive equilibrium. Two factors explain this pattern of cooperation and conflict: (a) the growth of economic interdependence between Russia and Turkey, based on energy partnership in particular, (b) the convergence of Moscow and Ankara's security interests in Eurasia. This essay finds that while energy-fueled economic interdependence facilitated political cooperation, the convergence of regional security interests was the primary driver behind the rapprochement. Russia and Turkey balanced against what they perceived as the US encroachment in their sphere of influence. Security factors also explain why relations between Russia and Turkey deteriorated after 2011 even though economic interdependence remained robust. External changes like conflicts in the Caucasus and Black Sea region and the Arab Spring in 2011 drove a wedge between Russia and Turkey. Lastly, the long-term incongruity of the energy strategies of Russia and Turkey functions as a source of conflict in bilateral relations. ; Int Polit Sci Assoc

Abstract
This article discusses the prospects and challenges of energy cooperation between the European Union (EU) and Turkey within the context of the Eastern Partnership (EaP). Part of the EaP agenda is to advance energy cooperation between the EU and the partner states, particularly regarding the diversification of import routes. As an energy corridor between the EU and the hydrocarbon-rich Caspian states, Turkey is a strategic asset for European energy security. Turkey also has economic ties and political capital in the Caspian region that can help the EU reach out to its eastern partners. Despite robust incentives for cooperation, however, the EU-Turkey energy partnership has so far failed to meet mutual expectations. This article argues that this is primarily due to the inability of the two actors to credibly commit to regional energy cooperation. Commitment problem stems from two factors. First, the predominance of national energy interests over communal ones undermines credible commitment. The variation in energy needs of Member States prevents the EU from acting in unison in external energy policy. Similarly, Turkey also prioritizes its own energy security, particularly in its relations with suppliers, which undermines cooperation with the EU. Second, the EU and Turkey hold divergent perspectives on the potential political payoffs of energy cooperation. Turkish decision makers are convinced that energy cooperation warrants palpable progress in Turkey's accession while most EU actors appear hesitant to establish a direct connection between energy and accession.

Cet article examine les perspectives et les défis pour établir une coopération énergétique globale entre la Turquie et l'UE. L'argument principal est que la politique énergétique est essentiellement conduite par l'intérêt national plutôt que par les intérêts communs, ce qui empêche la consolidation de la coopération régionale. Il existe trois mécanismes spécifiques par lesquels la prédominance des intérêts nationaux mine la coopération énergétique. Tout d'abord, la divergence des intérêts nationaux énergétiques des États membres rend difficile la mise en application d'une politique extérieure commune par l'UE. En second lieu, la Russie suit la stratégie de division ( wedge strategy ), qui combine des incitations sélectives avec des instruments coercitifs pour empêcher la formation d'un bloc d'énergie anti-russe unifié au sein de l'UE. Troisièmement, la dépendance de la Turquie en matière de gaz russe limite la marge de manœuvre d'Ankara dans la politique énergétique régionale. Bloquée entre l'UE et la Russie, la Turquie cherche fréquemment à jouer les uns contre les autres. Ce balancement constant mine la crédibilité de l'engagement de la Turquie dans la coopération en matière d'énergie.

Bu çalışmada Türkiye-Irak
ilişkilerinde enerji ve güvenlik unsurlarının rolü tarihsel ve karşılaştırmalı
olarak ele alınmıştır. İki ülke arasında son dönemde güçlenen enerji merkezli
karşılıklı bağımlılık olgusundan hareketle enerjide ortaklaşan çıkarların
siyasi ilişkiler üzerindeki etkisi sorgulanmıştır. Bu bağlamda, enerjinin
siyasal etkisinin çözümlenmesinde aktörlerin iç politika dinamiklerinin,
karşılıklı tehdit algılarının ve bölgesel jeopolitik değişkenlerin rolü
incelenmiştir. Çalışmanın temel savı, Türkiye-Irak ilişkilerinde enerji
unsurunun artan görünürlüğüne rağmen, enerji işbirliğinin ve projelerinin esasen
siyasal ve jeopolitik gerekliliklerce şekillenen güvenlik politikalarının
yürütülmesinde bir araç ve kolaylaştırıcı rolü gördüğüdür.

Bu çalışmada Türkiye-Irak ilişkilerinde enerji ve güvenlik unsurlarının rolü tarihsel ve karşılaştırmalı olarak ele alınmıştır. İki ülke arasında son dönemde güçlenen enerji merkezli karşılıklı bağımlılık olgusundan hareketle enerjide ortaklaşan çıkarların siyasi ilişkiler üzerindeki etkisi sorgulanmıştır. Bu bağlamda, enerjinin siyasal etkisinin çözümlenmesinde aktörlerin iç politika dinamiklerinin, karşılıklı tehdit algılarının ve bölgesel jeopolitik değişkenlerin rolü incelenmiştir. Çalışmanın temel savı, Türkiye-Irak ilişkilerinde enerji unsurunun artan görünürlüğüne rağmen, enerji iş birliğinin ve projelerinin esasen siyasal ve jeopolitik gerekliliklerce şekillenen güvenlik politikalarının yürütülmesinde bir araç ve kolaylaştırıcı rolü gördüğüdür. ; This article addresses the role of energy and security related factors in Turkey-Iraq relations from a comparative historical perspective. Taking the growing energycentered interdependence between the two actors as a point of departure, the article evaluates the role of mutual energy interests in bilateral political relations. Three factors are underlined as variables that that mediate the political impact of energy interests: domestic political shifts in both actors, mutual threat perceptions and regional geopolitical factors. The primary finding of the research is that even though energy has become a visibly critical component of Turkey-Iraq relations recently, energy cooperation is essentially an instrument and facilitator of security policies which are primarily shaped by political and geopolitical imperatives.