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Extending classic anthropological "idioms of distress" research, we argue that intensive online videogame involvement is better conceptualized as a new global idiom, not only of distress but also of wellness, especially for emerging adults (late teens through the 20s). Drawing on cognitive anthropological cultural domain interviews conducted with a small sample of U.S. gamers ( N = 26 free-list and 34 pile-sort respondents) (Study 1) and a large sample of survey data on gaming experience ( N = 3629) (Study 2), we discuss the cultural meaning and social context of this new cultural idiom of wellness and distress. Our analysis suggests that the "addiction" frame provides a means for gamers to communicate their passion and commitment to online play, even furthering their enthusiasm for the hobby and community in the process, but also a way for players to express and even resolve life distress such as depression and loneliness. The American Psychiatric Association (APA) has recently included "Internet gaming disorder" (IGD) as a possible behavioral addiction, akin to gambling, warranting further consideration for eventual formal inclusion in the next iteration of the Diagnostic and Statistical Manual of Mental Disorders (DSM-5). Our study leads us to suggest that clinicians only sparingly use IGD as a clinical category, given that medical and gamer understandings of "addictive" play differ so markedly. This includes better distinguishing positive online gaming involvement—also sometimes framed by gamers as "addictive"—from other play patterns more clearly entailing distress and dysfunction.

Cover -- Half Title -- Title Page -- Copyright Page -- Table of Contents -- List of Figures -- List of Tables -- Foreword -- Acknowledgments -- Chapter 1 Introduction -- Chapter 2 Cognitive Anthropology: Theoretical Foundations -- Chapter 3 Cultural Domain Analysis: Free Lists -- Chapter 4 Cultural Domain Analysis: Pile Sorts -- Chapter 5 Cultural Consensus Analysis -- Chapter 6 Cultural Consonance Analysis -- Chapter 7 Text Analysis: Cultural Models (and beyond) -- Chapter 8 Personal Network Analysis -- Chapter 9 Conclusion -- Appendix 1: Answer Key for Chapter Exercises -- Appendix 2: PROFIT (Property Fitting) Analysis -- Appendix 3: Subcultural Variation and Agreement -- References -- Index.

Some in the public sphere question the value of an anthropology degree. This assessment is unfortunate, as an education in anthropology prepares students for a wide variety of careers. To communicate the relevancy of anthropology, the discipline needs to have a renewed focus on applied methods. No longer can research be primarily for PhD students. Undergraduates also need opportunities for developing tangible skills that will be attractive and useful to employers. This paper provides an example of the Collaborative Anthropological Research Laboratory (CARL) that addresses this need. Based at Utah State University, CARL engages undergraduates in experiential learning through research. In their cognitive anthropological study of campus gender roles, these students gain valuable experience in a suite of methodological approaches that are valued in the applied sector. We contend that CARL serves as an example of how to construct a research group that focuses on the educational needs of undergraduates. [undergraduate, cognitive anthropology, methods]

AbstractWe use a mix of qualitative and quantitative analyses to examine 1354 survey responses from members of the American Anthropological Association about their practice and teaching of cultural anthropology research methods. Latent profile analysis and an examination of responses to open‐ended survey questions reveal distinctive methodological clustering among anthropologists. However, two historical approaches to ethnography remain prominent: deep hanging out and a mixed methods toolkit, with the former remaining central to the practice and teaching of all forms of contemporary cultural anthropology. Further, many anthropologists are committed to advancing research methods that account for power imbalances in fieldwork, such as through community‐based and participatory approaches. And a substantial number also teach a wider array of methods and techniques that open new career pathways for anthropologists. Overall, our study reveals a core set of ethnographic practices—loosely, participant‐observation, informal interviews, and the experiential immersion of the ethnographer—while also highlighting the great breadth of cultural anthropological research practice and pedagogy. The findings presented here can help inform how current and future anthropological practitioners and educators position themselves to meet the ever‐changing demands of community members, funders, clients, collaborators, and students.