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This analysis reassesses Canada's Cuba policy by challenging the prevailing view that it has been largely independent of the US. The thesis posited here is that despite its opposition to the US' Helms-Burton legislation (which seeks to increase economic pressures on the Cuban economy by penalising foreigners who conduct business with the island) the Canadian government has been pursuing a Cuba strategy which closely converges with the Americans, & this has been particularly evident since the late 1990s. This argument is made through a discussion of the following themes: Canada's support for US hegemony; its shared interest with the US in protecting the global trading regime; its desire to defend its trading relationship with the US; its support for the US' position in the Organization of American States vis a vis Cuba; & its commercial competition with the US in Cuba. References. Adapted from the source document.

This analysis reassesses Canada's Cuba policy by challenging the prevailing view that it has been largely independent of the US. The thesis posited here is that despite its opposition to the US' Helms-Burton legislation (which seeks to increase economic pressures on the Cuban economy by penalising foreigners who conduct business with the island) the Canadian government has been pursuing a Cuba strategy which closely converges with the Americans, and this has been particularly evident since the late 1990s. This argument is made through a discussion of the following themes: Canada's support for US hegemony; its shared interest with the US in protecting the global trading regime; its desire to defend its trading relationship with the US; its support for the US' position in the Organization of American States vis a vis Cuba; and its commercial competition with the US in Cuba.

La violence et la répression exercées à l'encontre des militantes des droits du sol et de l'environnement qui s'opposent au développement de l'industrie de l'extraction (un groupe classé par les Nations Unies comme défenseurs des droits de la personne) ont été bien documentées par plusieurs organismes non gouvernementaux œuvrant dans le domaine. Malgré leur importance équivalente, des formes indirectes de violence touchant ces mêmes défenseurs, ainsi que leur nature genrée et leurs répercussions, sont moins connues. Le présent texte analyse le concept d'« institution disciplinaire », qui repose sur le concept de pouvoir disciplinaire de Michel Foucault, englobant tous les outils disciplinaires mobilisés contre les militantes contre l'exploitation minière, avec leurs conséquences genrées. L'« institution disciplinaire » renvoie aux pratiques qui neutralisent ou empêchent carrément l'opposition et la résistance politiques. Il s'agit d'un type de violence qui est à la fois implicite et explicite, et qui opère dans un continuum, depuis la délégitimation des militantes, par des campagnes de salissage, jusqu'au recours à des agents provocateurs locaux pour diriger la violence contre elles. Bien que de nombreux acteurs soient mobilisés dans cette campagne de surveillance et de punition, le présent article se penche plus spécifiquement sur le rôle joué par l'État et ses alliés (en particulier les sociétés minières transnationales et les forces paramilitaires qui les soutiennent). L'analyse s'appuie sur des exemples de situations partout dans le monde, mais plus spécifiquement sur les exploitations minières au cœur de la résistance au Guatemala.

The objective of this article is to investigate the contributions, in terms of taxes and royalties, of Goldcorp's Marlin mine to the Guatemalan state and to the host communities. The article also seeks to assess the potential of these contributions to strengthen local and national government capacities and enhance national development.

Foreword, HE Ambassador Albert R. Ramdin; . - Part I Backdrop: W. Andy Knight, Julian Castro-Rea and Hamid Ghany;. - Regional and global governance: theory and practice in the Caribbean, Vaughan Lewis. - Part II Hegemony, Regionalization and the Changing Hemisphere: . - The FTAA and its untimely demise, W. Andy Knight;. - Free trade: a tool for US hegemony in the Americas, Julian Castro-Rea;. - Remapping trade relations in the Americas: the influence of shifting power, Gaspare M. Genna;. - CARICOM's engagement with Latin America: the Community of Latin American and Caribbean States (CELAC), its promise and challenges, Mark Kirton; . - Latin America in China's peaceful rise, Joseph Y.S. Cheng;. - Assessing the developmental potential of the FTAA and EPA for small developing states, Patsy Lewis;. - Whither CARICOM?, Matthew Louis Bishop. - Part III Regional Security, Governance and Multilateralism: . - The political economy of post 9-11 US security in Latin America: has anything really changes?, Greg Anderson; . - The constitutional and political aspects of strategic culture in Trinidad and Tobago, Hamid Ghany; . - From engagement to influence: what role for civil society in shaping trade policy and regionalism?, Annita Montoute; . - Caribbean integration: can cultural production succeed where politics and economics have failed? (Confessions of a wayward economist), Norman Girvan; . - Liberalization of fair trade or globalization of human (in)security? Protecting public goods in the emerging economic integration of the Americas, Obijiofor Aginam;. - The dynamics, limits and potential of formal liberal democracy in Latin America, Fred Judson;. - Why democracy and the free market are good for caudillos: the Nicaragua case, Kalowatie Deonandan. - Conclusions, W. Andy knight, Julian Castro-Rea and Hamid Ghany;. - Bibliography; Index