Suchergebnisse

En France et ailleurs, on pense souvent que les femmes « perdent » leur nom de naissance lorsqu'elles se marient ou encore qu'elles ne peuvent pas transmettre leur nom à leur enfant. En revanche on sait moins que les hommes mariés peuvent aussi porter le nom de leur épouse ou que les deux membres du couple, mariés ou non, peuvent transmettre chacun.e leur nom à leur(s) enfant(s). Le « nom des femmes » (et sa transmission) est une bonne illustration des décalages qui existent entre ce que permet le droit et les usages sociaux qu'en font les individus. Ceci s'explique par la longue histoire patriarcale des sociétés – littéralement dirigées par les pères –, gouvernement remis en cause par une série de politiques publiques qui visent à établir concrètement une plus grande égalité entre les femmes et les hommes depuis la fin des années 1960. En matière de nom, ces « politiques du genre », impulsées par les recommandations de l'Union européenne, sont plus récentes.

L'auteur évoque dans cet article les rôles des mères qui se définissent comme telles mais qui n'en ont pas le statut (juridique et/ou biologique) dans les couples lesbiens avec enfants. Comment se négocie tous les jours, y compris au-delà de la décision de départ, la place statutaire parentale entre les deux conjointes ? Quelles conséquences cela implique-t-il ? Quelle place les mères sans statut (juridique et/ou biologique) tiennent-elles dans l'équipe parentale et conjugale ? Au-delà, on s'interrogera sur l'implication de la détention/non-détention d'un statut sur les rôles.

Martine Gross est membre du Centre d'études en sciences sociales du religieux (CNRS-EHESS) et militante de la lutte contre les discriminations envers les lesbiennes et les gays. Elle a été la première présidente du groupe gay et lesbien juif de France, le Beit Haverim et s'est par la suite engagée auprès de l'Association des parents et futurs parents gays et lesbiens (APGL), qu'elle a coprésidée de 1999 à 2003. Elle a publié de nombreux ouvrages et articles de référence sur l'homoparentalité. Mouvements revient dans cet entretien sur l'itinéraire de Martine Gross.

AbstractBefore 2013, French children could not have two parents of the same sex. For example, non‐biologically related mothers in lesbian couples were legally invisible and prohibited to use second‐parent adoption. A 2013 bill legalising same‐sex marriage and adoption authorised that option. However, this reform requires same‐sex couples – but not heterosexual couples – to marry before establishing parental rights. Given this inequality, we ask: compared to their heterosexual peers, do French same‐sex couples with children marry more often? What do they think about same‐sex marriage in general and their own marriages in particular? To answer these questions, we draw on survey responses and interviews from the first national cohort study of French same‐sex couples, most of whom are lesbian, raising children born between 2011 and 2013 (n = 162). We find significantly higher marriage rates among same‐sex parents compared to different‐sex parents. What may appear at first glance to be an unvarnished attachment to marriage is belied by discriminatory logics requiring couples to go against their stated ambivalence towards the institution of marriage in order to safeguard their parental rights. We argue that this burden is a form of legal violence that enforces heterosexist norms through legislation that was ostensibly enacted in the name of equality.

International audience ; Before 2013, French children could not have two parents of the same sex. For example, non-biologically related mothers in lesbian couples were legally invisible and prohibited to use second-parent adoption. A 2013 bill legalizing same-sex marriage and adoption authorized that option. However, this reform requires same-sex couples-but not heterosexual couples-to marry before establishing parental rights. Given this inequality, we ask: Compared to their heterosexual peers, do French same-sex couples with children marry more often? What do they think about same-sex marriage in general and their own marriages in particular? To answer these questions, we draw on survey responses and interviews from the first national cohort study of French same-sex couples, most of whom are lesbian, raising children born between 2011-2013 (n=162). We find significantly higher marriage rates among same-sex parents compared to different-sex parents. What may appear at first glance to be an unvarnished attachment to marriage is belied by discriminatory logics requiring couples to go against their stated ambivalence toward the institution of marriage in order to safeguard their parental rights. We argue that this burden is a form of legal violence that enforces heterosexist norms through legislation that was ostensibly enacted in the name of equality.

International audience ; Before 2013, French children could not have two parents of the same sex. For example, non-biologically related mothers in lesbian couples were legally invisible and prohibited to use second-parent adoption. A 2013 bill legalizing same-sex marriage and adoption authorized that option. However, this reform requires same-sex couples-but not heterosexual couples-to marry before establishing parental rights. Given this inequality, we ask: Compared to their heterosexual peers, do French same-sex couples with children marry more often? What do they think about same-sex marriage in general and their own marriages in particular? To answer these questions, we draw on survey responses and interviews from the first national cohort study of French same-sex couples, most of whom are lesbian, raising children born between 2011-2013 (n=162). We find significantly higher marriage rates among same-sex parents compared to different-sex parents. What may appear at first glance to be an unvarnished attachment to marriage is belied by discriminatory logics requiring couples to go against their stated ambivalence toward the institution of marriage in order to safeguard their parental rights. We argue that this burden is a form of legal violence that enforces heterosexist norms through legislation that was ostensibly enacted in the name of equality.

International audience ; Before 2013, French children could not have two parents of the same sex. For example, non-biologically related mothers in lesbian couples were legally invisible and prohibited to use second-parent adoption. A 2013 bill legalizing same-sex marriage and adoption authorized that option. However, this reform requires same-sex couples-but not heterosexual couples-to marry before establishing parental rights. Given this inequality, we ask: Compared to their heterosexual peers, do French same-sex couples with children marry more often? What do they think about same-sex marriage in general and their own marriages in particular? To answer these questions, we draw on survey responses and interviews from the first national cohort study of French same-sex couples, most of whom are lesbian, raising children born between 2011-2013 (n=162). We find significantly higher marriage rates among same-sex parents compared to different-sex parents. What may appear at first glance to be an unvarnished attachment to marriage is belied by discriminatory logics requiring couples to go against their stated ambivalence toward the institution of marriage in order to safeguard their parental rights. We argue that this burden is a form of legal violence that enforces heterosexist norms through legislation that was ostensibly enacted in the name of equality.

Née au Japon, Helena Hirata a grandi au Brésil avant d'être obligée en 1971 de fuir ce pays à cause de ses activités politiques contre la dictature militaire. Elle a fait toute sa carrière de chercheure en France, en tant que spécialiste des questions de la division sexuelle du travail dans une perspective comparative. Elle fait partie des pionnières des études de genre en France. Elle est l'auteure d'un grand nombre d'articles et coordinatrice de nombreux dossiers de revue et de livres collectifs. Retraitée et chercheure émérite au CNRS depuis 2011, elle a accepté en juin 2013 de répondre à nos questions à propos de son itinéraire.