Suchergebnisse

"Challenging assumptions regarding the strength and control of authoritarian governments in Rwanda in the decades before the 1994 genocide, Marie-Eve Desrosiers uses original archival data and interviews to highlight the complex relations between authorities, opponents, and society. Through careful, detailed analysis Desrosiers offers a nuanced assessment of the functions and evolution of authoritarianism over time, demonstrating how the governments of Rwanda's first two post-independence Republics (1962- 1990) sought and often struggled to cement their rule. Whilst the deeper, lived realities of authoritarianism are generally neglected by multicases comparisons at the heart of comparative authoritarian studies, this illuminating survey highlights the essential, yet subtle authoritarian strategies, patterns, and forms of decay that are too often overlooked when addressing authoritarian contexts"--

The article looks at Rwandans' engagement with authoritarianism prior to the 1994 genocide and, more broadly, at life under "soft authoritarian" settings. It argues that Rwandans did not experience state-society relations under pre-genocide regimes as a vertical chain of authority, as is often contended. Instead, they spoke of a felt gap between national and local levels. Engagement with authority was predominantly local and experienced in an ambiguous, yet functional manner rather than simply as coercion. It was also experienced in a more varied manner than is often presumed. Indeed, local experiences of authority were commonly about "making do" with authoritarianism. This should lead scholars to question common frames of authoritarian verticality and the obedience/compliance which authoritarianism is presumed to foster. It should also lead scholars to question simple frames of resistance often proposed when studying authoritarian state-society relations.

Abstract
Analyses of the 2014 protest in Burkina Faso have predominantly focused on some of the movement's major activists, to the neglect of ordinary citizens. Yet, while citizens' participation in Burkina Faso in 2014 echoed to some extent the agendas of activists, it built on citizens' own political subjectivities. Drawing on original interviews and Afrobarometer survey data, we show that Burkinabè citizens were motivated to protest by unmet expectations of the 'good state', as experienced in their daily existence in the sense of hardship and unequal treatment by the political system. These expectations and aspirations reflected citizens' deeper political beliefs or political subjectivities, as already expressed in years prior to the 2014 political crisis. Overall, the article shows how looking at protest from the bottom-up can shift our understanding of political mobilization and its motives: citizen protest constitutes its own political phenomenon, in Burkina Faso and beyond, and should not be subsumed by analyses largely derived from speaking to major activists.

What does causation mean in conflict studies? Using a sample of published qualitative, article-length studies on the Rwandan and Yugoslav wars, this article finds a lack of reflexivity over causal claims in scholarship on conflict. Causal language is not as pervasive as expected, asserted cause-effect relationships are rarely fully explicated, and scholars under-explore their causal assumptions. Considering that ideas on causation necessarily condition explanations of conflict, including "ethnic" conflict, this is a major research issue. While there exists a lively debate between different causal narratives regarding the onset of conflict—with studies alternatively stressing "attitudes," "conditions," or both—it stops short of addressing issues at the deeper level of causal understandings. For the most part, studies subscribe to the search for empirical generalization, thus limiting attendant debates to a single model of causation. These findings indicate that conflict studies literature would benefit from greater reflexivity and pluralism with regards to causation and paying more attention to philosophical debates on the subject. The article provides a basic outline of this reflexive agenda.

"In some ways, the Maghreb has avoided the nightmare of civil war and internal strife witnessed by most of its Arab post-revolutionary counterparts. Both Algeria and Morocco experienced a significant level of social mobilisation after the Arab Spring, but the persistence of pre-Spring institutions suggests the existence of complex state-society relations that go beyond the simplistic dichotomy of a society striving for freedom pitted against a stubborn authoritarian state. In Tunisia, which has gone through a difficult overhaul of its political institutions, militant Salafi trends have appeared on the scene, but rather than undermining the democratising political system, they have had the cathartic effect of forcing it and Tunisian citizens more broadly to contend with and confront this type of radicalism. This article suggests that behind this apparent Instability' for Tunisia and `stability for Morocco and Algeria, hidden underlying processes are taking place, revealing a rather active civil society in both Morocco and Algeria, and the strengthening of the Tunisian democratic transition." (author's abstract)

ABSTRACTComparing pre- and post-genocide Rwanda, this article argues that clear continuities exist between the regimes of Juvénal Habyarimana and Paul Kagame. Both have projected a remarkably similar image of 'benevolent leadership'. Presenting themselves as harbingers of an 'improved' or 'new' Rwanda, both leaderships have claimed to be best able and willing to guide Rwanda along the right path to peace, security, ethnic unity and development. 'Benevolent leadership' in both periods has also served as a tool to try and shape regime relationships with international and domestic audiences. Internationally, each government has worked to promote Rwanda and its authorities as a good development partner. Domestically, these projections have served to establish norms of order and obedience. We argue that projections of 'benevolent leadership' have been a tool designed to win over the international community and discipline the Rwandan population.