The author has provided an epilogue which takes into account foreign policy developments since 1971. He considers the implications of the appointment of Henry Kissinger as Secretary of State and deals with some of the larger issues raised by the events of the past two years. Originally published in 1974. The Princeton Legacy Library uses the latest print-on-demand technology to again make available previously out-of-print books from the distinguished backlist of Princeton University Press. These paperback editions preserve the original texts of these important books while presenting them in
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Cover -- Contents -- Preface -- Author's Note -- I Origin: 1934-70 -- Chapter 1 The Root Problem: Political Imbalance -- Chapter 2 The 1934 System: Protection for Congress -- Protecting Congress from Trade Pressures -- The System's Advantages and Limits -- The System's Contradictions -- II Erosion and Adaptation: 1971-94 -- Chapter 3 A Tougher World: Changes in the Context of Trade Policy -- 15 August as Prologue -- The Trade Explosioin -- The "Decline" of the United States -- The Rise of New Competitors -- The Erosion of the GATT -- Stagflation -- Floating Exchange Rates and Dollar "Misalignment -- Economic Triopolarity and the End of the Cold War -- A Tougher World -- Chapter 4 A Less Protected Congress -- Congressional Reform and the Weakening of Ways and Means -- Renewing the Delegation of Power: The "Fast-Track" Procedures -- Industry-Specific Proposals: The Automobile Case -- Committee Competition and Policy Entrepreneurship -- The Trade and Tariff Act of 1984: Pressure Contained -- 1985-88: The Years of Trade -- The Omnibus Trade and Competitiveness Act of 1988 -- NAFTA and Fast-Track Renewal -- 1984 and After: The Leadership Difference -- Chapter 5 An Embattled Executive -- STR's Early Ups and Downs -- Strauss and the MTN: The STR on Center Stage -- The Executive Broker and Its Critics -- The Carter Reorganization -- Reagan I: Commerce Versus USTR -- USTR and Presidential Ambivalence -- Liberal Words, Protectionist Deeds -- Reagan II: An Eight-Month Vacuum -- Reagan II: The Shift to Activism -- Targeting the World: Section 301 -- Targeting Japan: From MOSS to Semiconductor Sanctions -- Working the Trade Bill: Damage Limitation -- Carla Hills and Super 301 -- Geneva Versus Mexico City? -- NAFTA but Not (Yet) GATT -- Chapter 6 Changing the Rules: The Rise of Administrative Trade Remedies -- Through the Early 1970s: Little Relief.
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In this comprehensive revision of the most influential, widely read analysis of the US trade policymaking system, Destler addresses how globalization has reshaped trade politics, weakening traditional protectionism but intensifying concern about trade's societal impacts. Entirely new chapters treat the deepening of partisan divisions and the rise of?trade and . . .? issues (especially labor and the environment). The author concludes with a comprehensive economic and political strategy to cope with globalization and maximize its benefits. The original edition of American Trade Politics won the Gladys Kammerer Award of the American Political Science Association for the best book on US national policy. The new edition contains three completely new chapters (9-11), plus an extensively reshaped concluding chapter (12). All of the other chapters have been revised and edited.
The author has provided an epilogue which takes into account foreign policy developments since 1971. He considers the implications of the appointment of Henry Kissinger as Secretary of State and deals with some of the larger issues raised by the events of the past two years. Originally published in 1974. The Princeton Legacy Library uses the latest print-on-demand technology to again make available previously out-of-print books from the distinguished backlist of Princeton University Press. These paperback editions preserve the original texts of these important books while presenting them in.
For at least two decades, it has been conventional wisdom among political guras that our system of choosing presidents through electoral votes, accumulated state by state, offers Republicans a substantial edge. Representative is a comment by a Democratic strategist to Newsweek (7/27) in the summer of 1992: "It's the same map we've had to deal with for years—and the results haven't been good. You need all the breaks with a map like that…."The notion that Republicans have an "electoral lock" on the White House has been received wisdom among pundits ever since Horace Busby, a former aide to President Lyndon Johnson, coined the phrase. The idea is that even if Democrats fare well in the popular vote, the electoral map is skewed against them.There is only one problem with the idea. The election numbers just don't support it.It is obvious that, in presidential contests of the 1970s and 1980s, major regions went overwhelmingly Republican. From 1972 through 1988, the Democrats did not once carry a single state among the eight of the Mountain West. They did little better in the South: Jimmy Carter dominated the region in 1976, but Democrats carried a total of just one old Confederacy state in the other four elections. Clearly these have been regions of deep Democratic weakness at the presidential level.