Inhaltsverzeichnis: Volker Rittberger: Einführung: Grundprobleme der Konfliktbeilegung und Friedenskonsolidierung mit besonderer Berücksichtigung der Konfliktherde auf dem afrikanischen Kontinent (5-11); Jochen Hippler: Thesen zu Post-Conflict Peacebuilding und militärischer Intervention (12-18); Andreas Mehler: Vorher = Nachher? Die schwierigen Aufgaben von "post-conflict peacebuilding" in Afrika (19-26); Wolf-Christian Paes: Darfur: Konfliktlinien und Lösungsstrategien (27-34).
"The main emphasis of this report is on the domestic scenery with respect to both comparing and explaining the individual missile defence policies of 16 democracies. These 16 case studies give answers to the following three research questions: 1. How the missile defence (MD) policy in each country has developed as a response to the proliferation problem in the context of the broader security and foreign policy; 2. how it is located in the overall domestic setting and 3. how the MD policy can be explained. What accounts for the variety of missile defence policies of the democracies? In a nutshell, it is neither their formal status as a democracy, nor their different quality as a democratic country within the spectrum of the stable, new, and deficient democracies in the cases of Turkey and even more so of Russia. The two traditional explanatory factors - the role of military alliances such as NATO and the geographical/ geopolitical position of the democracies examined - are secondary. In the final analysis it is the combination of the foreign policy orientations in connection with the particular domestic power constellations (in some cases strong economic and bureaucratic interests), the role of the US and the relevance of perceived threats that account for either a sceptical/critical or a supportive policy (threats defined mostly as missiles from non-democratic adversaries, but to a lesser extent as the US menacing the basic foreign policy orientations of other democracies). The research report finally lists several major problems ahead associated with missile defence systems. To mention two of them: In the case of basing radars or interceptors on Central European territory, Russia in particular would be affected. What if Moscow chooses to obstruct those kinds of missile defence plans, establishes stronger ties with Beijing, intensifies its arms trade in the rocket area with countries of concern, bypasses arms control agreements, continues to intensify its arms build-up and aims its nuclear tipped missiles at Polish strategic targets? In addition, ecological and social risks are probably associated with the interception of an atomic, biological or chemical warhead which falls on European territory. The report concludes with research perspectives. They focus on the conflict potential to be assessed in view of rising nations (economically and technologically) and in terms of their 'rising' rocket and space-faring capabilities. Here, Brazil, China, India, and Iran are the case in point. Finally, the research question is raised: What role is missile defence likely to play in the context of a ballistic missiles free zone? Would missile defence enhance or hamper such a zone?" (excerpt)
"In the framework of the OSCE's post-conflict rehabilitation activities, the police component is of increasing importance. The aim of the Centre for OSCE Research's (CORE) project 'The OSCE and the Creation of Multi-Ethnic Police Forces in the Balkans', on which the findings of this report are based, was to analyze the OSCE police missions in Kosovo, Southern Serbia (Presevo Valley) and Macedonia, to inquire whether and to what extent multi-ethnic police services can help to overcome the legacy of ethno-political conflicts, and to study the problems confronting the OSCE, UN and EU when they developed and implemented their training concepts. The three central research questions were: Firstly, to what extent could multi-ethnic police forces be established in the post-war societies of the Western Balkans? Secondly, to what degree have the populations gained confidence in them? And thirdly, which factors explain the success or failure in establishing multi-ethnic police services? The findings of the study are primarily based on interviews with and surveys of about 700 local police officers and their OSCE, UN and EU police instructors and monitors in Kosovo, Southern Serbia and Macedonia. The results of the study are mixed. One clear success consists in the fact that the international police missions were able in all three cases to recruit and train as many officers as planned. Furthermore, a general climate of professionalism and comradeship has developed within the multi-ethnic police units. Moreover, in all three cases the ethnic Albanian population has gained confidence in the new police forces. However, a number of negative aspects must also be mentioned. In contrast to the ethnic Albanian population, ethnic Serbs and Macedonians view the multi-ethnic units with much scepticism. In addition, there are considerable problems with integrating the multi-ethnic units into the regular Serbian and Macedonian police forces, in particular into the special police forces that fight organized crime and terrorism. The prime reason for this poor integration is the insufficient training of the new police officers. The low educational level of many ethnic Albanian police applicants poses a significant obstacle to their further education. The fact that unsuitable police applicants were nevertheless recruited is due to the political pressure by all ethnic communities. In addition, international actors in Kosovo had severe problems in gaining reliable information about the applicants, because relevant documents had vanished during the war. Other reasons for the often unprofessional performance of new police officers were rooted in the over-centralized command structures of the Serbian and Macedonian post-socialist police forces that also give way to political interference into the police service. A related problem is the very low salaries of police officers that provide fertile ground for corruption. Finally, effective police work was hampered in all three cases by the severe deficits within the judiciary. The conclusion is that states and international organizations should be prepared to provide a sufficient level of resources over a longer period to secure the sustainability of police re-form. In addition, they should exert more political pressure on the political actors of the host countries to combat the structural deficits in the police services and the judiciary. Moreover, additional efforts are needed to achieve better integration of minority officers in all branches of the police services, and to further promote the acceptance of the multi-ethnic police units within the ethnic Serbian and Macedonian communities." (author's abstract)
"Im Mittelpunkt des Projektes stand die Auseinandersetzung mit der Frage, welche Rolle externe wirtschaftliche Akteure bei der Entstehung, für das Andauern und für die Beendigung von bewaffneten Konflikten in Kriegsökonomien in Subsahara-Afrika haben. In Anlehnung an Philippe Le Billon wurde eine Bürgerkriegsökonomie als ein System zur Produktion, Mobilisierung und Verteilung von Ressourcen zur Aufrechterhaltung von Gewalt definiert. Im Gegensatz zur Kriegswirtschaft in modernen Industriegesellschaften in Europa und Nordamerika, die bei der Beschaffung von militärischen Ausrüstungsgegenständen weitgehend unabhängig vom Weltmarkt sind und die bei der Versorgung der Streitkräfte auf einen zentralistisch-bürokratischen Verwaltungsapparat zurückgreifen, spielen in vielen Staaten der so genannten Dritten Welt externe ökonomische Faktoren eine wichtige Rolle. Die folgenden Konflikte wurden im Rahmen von Fallstudien untersucht (in Klammern jeweils der Untersuchungszeitraum): Angola (1992-2002); Côte d'Ivoire (2002 - heute); Demokratische Republik Kongo (DRK) (1998 - heute); Guinea (2000-2001); Liberia (1997-2004); Nigeria/ Niger Delta (2003 - heute); Sierra Leone (1991-2002); Somalia (1988 - heute); Sudan/ Südsudan (1989 - heute). Dabei wurde in allen Fällen ein gemeinsamer Analyserahmen zugrunde gelegt, der sich an den folgenden Leitfragen orientierte: 1. Welche Bedeutung haben Rohstoffe als Konfliktgegenstand und externe Finanzierungsquelle für die Fortführung kriegerischer Aktivitäten in Bürgerkriegsökonomien in Subsahara-Afrika? 2. Welche Bedeutung haben externe Akteure für die Fortführung kriegerischer Aktivitäten in Bürgerkriegsökonomien in Subsahara-Afrika? 3. Welche Optionen zur Beeinflussung des Verhaltens externer Akteure bestehen und wie sind sie einzuschätzen? Zusammenfassend lässt sich feststellen, dass international vermarktbare Rohstoffe ein wesentlicher Faktor für die Kriegsfinanzierung in Afrika sind. Die Zusammenhänge zwischen Rohstoffen und Konflikten sind jedoch von Fall zu Fall unterschiedlich und häufig nicht von anderen Konfliktursachen zu trennen. Die Analyse der Fallstudien zeigt deutlich, dass auch Auseinandersetzungen, die in der Öffentlichkeit primär als Ressourcenkonflikte wahrgenommen werden (Angola, DRK, Sierra Leone, Sudan) durch eine komplexe Mischung von Faktoren bestimmt werden und nicht auf die Ausbeutung von Bodenschätzen reduziert werden sollten." (Textauszug)
"While there is an increasing number of articles and studies identifying lessons from the record of UN peacebuilding operations, it is striking how little we know about the UN's very capacity for organizational learning on peacebuilding, and about learning in international organizations in general. This pilot study seeks to lay the foundations for an in-depth investigation of the UN's record on organizational learning. Our study is motivated by both, a research and a policy imperative. On the research front, studying organizational learning within the UN peacebuilding bureaucracy contributes to opening up the 'black box' of international organizations. So far, mainstream work in the discipline of International Relations (IR) has produced surprisingly few studies on the everyday workings of international organizations, let alone their ability to learn. Studying organizational learning calls for an interdisciplinary approach bringing together IR (including peace and conflict studies), public management and the sociology of organizations. This has the potential of advancing conceptual debates within the discipline of IR. The study proceeds in three steps. The first step surveys the relevant literature from different disciplines and concludes that peace research, IR and organization theory do not offer ready-made frameworks for the analysis of organizational learning in international organizations. Building on existing research, we identify key elements of a new framework starting with a definition of the key term, organizational learning: We define organizational learning "as a process of cognitive change through the questioning of the means and/or ends of addressing problems. The process manifests itself in the development and implementation of new rules and routines guiding the organization's actions." In a second step, we survey the evolution of the "infrastructure of learning" in the UN peacebuilding bureaucracy over the past 15 years. We hold that a number of factors (lack of will both within member states and the UN Secretariat as well as the lack of resources and appropriate incentive structures) contributed to the very slow recognition of the UN's learning needs. Major crises (such as the soul-searching after Rwanda and Srebrenica) plus the Brahimi Report in 2000 provided a certain momentum that brought the need to build up the UN's learning capacity higher on the agenda. Still, a lot of work remains to be done. In a third step, we present a list of variables that influence learning that need to be considered in a future in-depth study. This list of factors includes power, organizational culture, leadership, human capital, staff mobility, knowledge management systems, as well as access to external knowledge. Outlining an agenda for future research, we present a draft model of the learning process that includes 1) knowledge acquisition, 2) advocacy/ decision- making, and 3) institutionalization." (excerpt)
