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Since the early 1980s non-governmental organisations have become a major phenomenon in development, and a focus of attention for academics and practitioners alike. The study of NGOs tends to emphasise their role in the delivery of welfare services and pays less at-tention to their political significance. This despite numerous claims about the contribution of NGOs to civil society and democracy. The article draws on ethnographic research carried out in Bangladesh to explore in more detail the NGO–politics nexus. It demonstrates that there is a strong but complex link between NGOs and politics. On the one hand it confirms the political nature of NGO intervention and activity. On the other hand it highlights how the organisation of politics through NGOs reproduces clientelistic forms of action. This apparent paradox runs counter to most of the assumptions underpinning NGO research. The article closes by exploring this paradox and offering illustrations of how it may actually be an effective form of social action for the poor.

Drawing on research from Bangladesh, this article questions the dominance of a narrow view of sustainability that rests predominantly on financial considerations. The push for financial sustainability has produced ambiguous results and, more important, has also introduced a degree of uncertainty into the relationship nongovernmental organizations maintain with their members. This article will argue that in the context of Bangladesh, an accurate notion of sustainability rests more on social and political considerations than on economic ones. Fundamental tensions exist between social/political and economic considerations, and paradoxically, the relentless pursuit of one may undermine efforts to establish the other. The article therefore seeks to subject the logic and validity of efforts to promote sustainability among nongovernmental organizations in Bangladesh to theoretical and empirical scrutiny.

Non-Governmental Organisations (NGOs) are involved in various aspects of an increasing number of policy interventions. One of the key assumptions behind the strategy is that the greater involvement of NOGs in policy processes will result in more resources being distributed to the poor, and will also facilitate the establishment of a policy process which is more inclusive and egalitarian. The involvement of NGOs in a land redistribution policy initiative is used to examine both these assumptions. While there is strong evidence that more land was redistributed to the poor as a result of NGO involvement, the actual mechanism or process for deciding the distribution of land was not found to be all inclusive or completely egalitarian. (DSE/DÜI)

AbstractThroughout the developing world, Non Governmental Organisations (NGOs) are involved in various aspects of an increasing number of policy interventions. The donor community has lent considerable support to this strategy. One of the key assumptions behind the strategy is that the greater involvement of NGOs in policy processes will result in more resources being distributed to the poor, and will also facilitate the establishment of a policy process which is more inclusive and egalitarian. Here the involvement of NGOs in an important land redistribution policy initiative is used to examine both these assumptions. While there is strong evidence that more land was redistributed to the poor as a result of NGO involvement, the actual mechanism or process for deciding the distribution of land was not found to be all inclusive or completely egalitarian. This ambivalence serves as a timely critique to the naive optimism and simplified assumptions underpinning development thinking and practice. Copyright © 2002 John Wiley & Sons, Ltd.

This chapter uses two metaphors to explore the moral and practical dimensions of extreme poverty eradication. The first metaphor, 'Leaving no-one behind', currently dominates policy discussions and broadly sees the eradication of extreme poverty as the consequence of economic growth and prosperity. In contrast the chapter outlines an alternative approach, captured in the 'sharing the well' metaphor, which focuses much more on redistribution and rights. The chapter argues that although both approaches are laudable, their differences are important. Crucially, the 'Sharing the well' approach, although politically challenging, has roots in values shared by the people of Bangladesh. This arguments helps contextualize the different chapters of the book.

One of the characteristics most often associated with religion is that it is a discrete source of value that shapes people's attitudes and behaviour. In some cases, these values may be negative such as submission or violence; in other cases, religion is seen to promote positive values such as charity and social justice. In recent years, the international development community has reawakened an interest in religion, and has directly embraced the assumption that religion is foundational of people's values, seeking how best to tap into the potential positive values while mitigating against the more negative values. This paper critically explores the assumptions behind this approach. It argues that there is no straightforward relationship between belonging to a religion and the values which inform one's actions and decisions. Drawing on fieldwork research from India, the paper shows that it is impossible to disentangle religion from its interaction with the social, economic and political contexts in which it is lived. The paper concludes by deriving some implications of this for the way the international development community engages with religion.

This article explores the complex voices of militants associated with the capture of oil resources in the Niger Delta region of Nigeria. The persistent violent conflict surrounding the struggle over oil resources is a major concern for many within the country and the international community. Understanding the conflict over oil in the Niger Delta has triggered a wide range of discussions and debates among researchers, politicians and policy makers. However, these debates have overlooked the views of the militants themselves, who are actively engaged in the conflict over resource governance in the region. Drawing on new empirical data, this article builds upon insights from the New Social Movements literature to explore the experience and expectations of militants, and to then reflect on the significance of these for understanding the politics of oil governance in the Niger Delta. We argue that militia actions that appear to challenge the legitimacy and authority of the Nigerian state to control oil resources, are embedded in complex webs of formal and informal interactions involving political elites, militia leaders and primary citizens. This, we argue, offers a fresh and innovative perspective into the dynamics of militancy in the governance of oil resources in the Niger Delta.

This chapter explores the extent and nature of public support for democracy in Bangladesh by offering a detailed analysis of a nationwide Democracy Poll survey. Although the form of democracy that has evolved in Bangladesh is often portrayed as a core part of the governance problem rather than a solution, political attitudes surveys find that there is overwhelming public support for democracy. The data analysed in this chapter allows us to examine the level of support for democracy and question whether it can accommodate different types of democratic regimes. In particular the chapter extends a comparison between pragmatic and ethical attitudes to democracy, i.e. whether people view democracy as a means to an end and therefore are willing to sacrifice some aspects of democracy if it fails to deliver institutional benefits or whether they see democracy as an end in itself. The chapter concludes that the pragmatic approach to governance is something that the Bangladeshi urban middle class are more likely to consider.

This paper seeks to contribute to an understanding of the dynamics of religion in social mobilization. It argues that existing approaches to the study of the role of religion in social mobilization have been insufficiently nuanced and have failed to probe the multiple and often contradictory influences that religion can have on mobilization channels. On the basis of three qualitative case studies, from Malaysia, Bangladesh and the United Kingdom, we identify three key ingredients for religion to act as a catalyst for social mobilization: theological resources, sacred spaces, and their interaction with the wider context. This leads us to conclude that the boundaries of the 'religious' dimension of social mobilization are fluid, and that the religious element of social mobilization can never be disentangled from its social and political context.

Address to the North Dakota Legislature made by the presiding governor, Joseph M. Devine.

Address to the North Dakota Legislature made by the presiding governor, Joseph M. Devine.