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Scholars have recently become increasingly interested in understanding the prevalence and persistence of conspiratorial beliefs among the public as recent research has shown such beliefs to be both widespread and to have deleterious effects on the political process. This article seeks to develop a sociological understanding of the structural conditions that are associated with conspiratorial belief. Using aggregate Google search data to measure public interest in two popular political conspiracy theories, the findings indicate that social conditions associated with threat and insecurity, including unemployment, changes in partisan control of government, and demographic changes, are associated with increased conspiratorial ideation.

Objectives This study addresses differences in the predictors of participation in different forms of protest activity using nationally representative data. The two types of protest examined, referred to as conventional and unconventional forms of activism, are differentiated by differing levels of risk, demands, and political legitimacy. Methods The analysis uses multinominal logistic regression and data from the World Values Survey to assess the effects of a wide range of independent variables on participation in protest. Results The results indicate that participation in conventional forms of protest, activities that are relatively undemanding, socially legitimate, and low risk, tend to follow patterns that are consistent with participation in institutional politics. That is, participants in this form of activism tend to be socially privileged and ideologically moderate. Participants in unconventional protest, those that are highly demanding, socially illegitimate, or carry substantial risks, tend to be more ideologically extreme, socially disadvantaged, and more alienated from the conventional political system. Conclusions The findings in this study suggest that the lack of consistency in some existing research on protest participation may be attributable to differences in the predictors of participation associated with different forms of protest. This study indicates that protest participation is not a unitary construct and should not be treated as one in research. Adapted from the source document.

ObjectivesThis study addresses differences in the predictors of participation in different forms of protest activity using nationally representative data. The two types of protest examined, referred to as conventional and unconventional forms of activism, are differentiated by differing levels of risk, demands, and political legitimacy.MethodsThe analysis uses multinominal logistic regression and data from the World Values Survey to assess the effects of a wide range of independent variables on participation in protest.ResultsThe results indicate that participation in conventional forms of protest, activities that are relatively undemanding, socially legitimate, and low risk, tend to follow patterns that are consistent with participation in institutional politics. That is, participants in this form of activism tend to be socially privileged and ideologically moderate. Participants in unconventional protest, those that are highly demanding, socially illegitimate, or carry substantial risks, tend to be more ideologically extreme, socially disadvantaged, and more alienated from the conventional political system.ConclusionsThe findings in this study suggest that the lack of consistency in some existing research on protest participation may be attributable to differences in the predictors of participation associated with different forms of protest. This study indicates that protest participation is not a unitary construct and should not be treated as one in research.

Despite the major breakthrough for lesbian, gay, bisexual, and transgender (LGBT) activists on marriage equality, the fight against employment discrimination remains elusive. Whether one is protected from discrimination in employment on the basis of sexual orientation or gender identity depends on where one lives and is contingent on a patchwork of state and local policies. In this article, we investigate the adoption of state nondiscrimination laws that are inclusive of sexual orientation between 1980 and 2009. Findings from our event history analysis of policy adoption contribute to the study of social movements and LGBT politics in three ways. First, and consistent with social movement theory, we find countermovement opposition to gay rights as well as pro-LGBT political opportunities to be critical. Second, we find organization and opportunity to fluctuate in importance over time, underscoring the need for historically informed analyses that seriously consider when key actors should matter for social movement outcomes. Third, we produce new state-level estimates of public opinion of nondiscrimination laws. We show that while very high levels of public support are common for states that adopt nondiscrimination laws, they are not enough on their own, particularly in the face of opposition.