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"Regioninės studijos" (ISSN 2029-2074) 2013 m. virto į "International journal of area studies" (eISSN 2345-0223) ; Viešojo administravimo katedra ; Vytauto Didžiojo universitetas

Abstract
This article examines Japan's role in advancing regional forest governance in Southeast Asia and reasons why the country, despite claiming environmental leadership, has not created a strong long-term institutional framework to promote sustainable forest management (SFM). The first half of the article is dedicated to analyzing Asia Forest Partnership and bilateral agreements with Indonesia and Malaysia in the light of implementation of SFM. The second half examines Japan's domestic interest groups and their attitudes towards SFM and cooperation for forest protection with the Southeast Asian countries. The article argues that the gap between Japan's commitments and actual activities has not been closed in the most recent cooperation for forest protection in the region. One of the major reasons for that is the strength and resistance against the regulations of the Japanese companies that benefit from the free trade of tropical timber.

"Regioninės studijos" (ISSN 2029-2074) 2013 m. virto į "International journal of area studies" (eISSN 2345-0223) ; Straipsnyje analizuojamas Japonijos vaidmuo vystant regioninio lygio miškų valdymą Pietryčių Azijoje ir priežastys kodėl, nepaisant teiginių apie lyderiavimą aplinkosaugoje, šalis neįkūrė stiprios ilgalaikės institucinės sąrangos darnios miškotvarkos populiarinimui. Pirmoji straipsnio dalis yra skirta darnios miškotvarkos įgyvendinimo įvertinimui Azijos miškų parnerystėje bei dvišaliuose susitarimuose su Malaizija ir Indonezija. Antrojoje dalyje analizuojamos Japonijos vidaus interesų grupės ir jų požiūris į darnią miškotvarką bei bendradarbiavimą dėl miškų apsaugos su Pietryčių Azijos šalimis. Straipsnyje teigiama, kad vertinant pastarųjų metų bendradarbiavimą dėl miškų apsaugos regione, Japonija nesugebėjo sumažinti atotrūkio tarp įsipareigojimų ir nuveiktų darbų. Viena iš pagrindinių to priežasčių yra stiprios ir reguliavimui besipriešinančios Japonijos kompanijos, kurios pelnosi iš nevaržomos prekybos tropine mediena ; This article examines Japan's role in advancing regional forest governance in Southeast Asia and reasons why the country, despite claiming environmental leadership, has not created a strong long-term institutional framework to promote sustainable forest management (SFM). The first half of the article is dedicated to analyzing Asia Forest Partnership and bilateral agreements with Indonesia and Malaysia in the light of implementation of SFM. The second half examines Japan's domestic interest groups and their attitudes towards SFM and cooperation for forest protection with the Southeast Asian countries. The article argues that the gap between Japan's commitments and actual activities has not been closed in the most recent cooperation for forest protection in the region. One of the major reasons for that is the strength and resistance against the regulations of the Japanese companies that benefit from the free trade of tropical timber

By using two-level game theory this paper analyses factors that caused Japan's ambitious position in the 15th Conference of the Parties to the United Nations Framework Convention on Climate Change. Analysis is done by finding local and international lobby groups that are concerned with Japan's international obligations, examining their inter-relations, and comparing their positions with official Japan's aims. The results of the paper showed that the biggest influence on Japan's position was Democratic Party which won the election at the end of summer 2009. It was seeking to get support of the society and to use country's technological potential to accomplish projects mitigating causes of climate change. By fulfilling their plans, the democrats did not meet strong opposing powers at home, because they had support from the citizens, did not have close relationship with business lobby, and were following previously approved strategic documents. In international area Japan was not bind by bilateral or multilateral agreements, and had support from EU and other influential international actors.

By using three theoretical approaches, this thesis analyzes Japan's climate change policy. With the aim to reveal both the details and main tendencies of this complicated field, the object of the research is divided into three fields and each of them is analyzed by using separate theory. It is correspondingly: climate change phenomena, which is analyzed by using risk society theory focusing on Japan's case; domestic and international interest groups, that are studied by two-level game theory concentrating on Japans' participation in COP15 to the UN Framework Convention on Climate Change; state institutions, looking at Japan ministries' and high-ranking officials' perception of climate change using soft power theory as theoretical basis. The time frame of the work is from year 1992 to 2011. The main methods used are content and comparative analysis. The analysis of the first field shows that Japan can be considered as one of late modernity states distinguished by risk society and reflectivity on its development. It is one of the main reasons why such phenomena as climate change becomes important and included into country's political discourse. After analyzing public rhetorics, Japan's position corresponds to eight criteria used in the work, ranging from global warming presentation as a global risk that will have negative consequences to aspirations to change current lifestyle by implementing domestic programs and participating in creation of international institutions. The analysis of the the second field shows that several big interest groups have been participating in the recent (year 2009-2011) Japan's climate change politics. Their influence is combined, domestic groups being the main players. Based on COP15 analysis, the biggest influence on Japan's position was Democratic party which won the election at the end of summer 2009. It was seeking to get support of the society and to promote the use of country's technological potential in international markets. By fulfilling their plans, the democrats did not meet strong opposing powers at home, because they had support from the citizens, did not have close relationship with business lobby, and were following previously approved strategic documents. In international area Japan was not bound by agreements and had support from influential international actors. Finally, the analysis of the third field revealed that climate change policy is presented by Japan's institution as: 1) a tool to display country's uniqueness in technological development, international leadership and active cooperation with other states; 2) a way to show that Japan is and will be active in participating in international climate change initiatives; 3) an opportunity to declare that the country is seeking to protect universally accepted values. It shows that participation in climate change politics is understood by Japan as important tool to strengthen its soft power.

By using three theoretical approaches, this thesis analyzes Japan's climate change policy. With the aim to reveal both the details and main tendencies of this complicated field, the object of the research is divided into three fields and each of them is analyzed by using separate theory. It is correspondingly: climate change phenomena, which is analyzed by using risk society theory focusing on Japan's case; domestic and international interest groups, that are studied by two-level game theory concentrating on Japans' participation in COP15 to the UN Framework Convention on Climate Change; state institutions, looking at Japan ministries' and high-ranking officials' perception of climate change using soft power theory as theoretical basis. The time frame of the work is from year 1992 to 2011. The main methods used are content and comparative analysis. The analysis of the first field shows that Japan can be considered as one of late modernity states distinguished by risk society and reflectivity on its development. It is one of the main reasons why such phenomena as climate change becomes important and included into country's political discourse. After analyzing public rhetorics, Japan's position corresponds to eight criteria used in the work, ranging from global warming presentation as a global risk that will have negative consequences to aspirations to change current lifestyle by implementing domestic programs and participating in creation of international institutions. The analysis of the the second field shows that several big interest groups have been participating in the recent (year 2009-2011) Japan's climate change politics. Their influence is combined, domestic groups being the main players. Based on COP15 analysis, the biggest influence on Japan's position was Democratic party which won the election at the end of summer 2009. It was seeking to get support of the society and to promote the use of country's technological potential in international markets. By fulfilling their plans, the democrats did not meet strong opposing powers at home, because they had support from the citizens, did not have close relationship with business lobby, and were following previously approved strategic documents. In international area Japan was not bound by agreements and had support from influential international actors. Finally, the analysis of the third field revealed that climate change policy is presented by Japan's institution as: 1) a tool to display country's uniqueness in technological development, international leadership and active cooperation with other states; 2) a way to show that Japan is and will be active in participating in international climate change initiatives; 3) an opportunity to declare that the country is seeking to protect universally accepted values. It shows that participation in climate change politics is understood by Japan as important tool to strengthen its soft power.

By using three theoretical approaches, this thesis analyzes Japan's climate change policy. With the aim to reveal both the details and main tendencies of this complicated field, the object of the research is divided into three fields and each of them is analyzed by using separate theory. It is correspondingly: climate change phenomena, which is analyzed by using risk society theory focusing on Japan's case; domestic and international interest groups, that are studied by two-level game theory concentrating on Japans' participation in COP15 to the UN Framework Convention on Climate Change; state institutions, looking at Japan ministries' and high-ranking officials' perception of climate change using soft power theory as theoretical basis. The time frame of the work is from year 1992 to 2011. The main methods used are content and comparative analysis. The analysis of the first field shows that Japan can be considered as one of late modernity states distinguished by risk society and reflectivity on its development. It is one of the main reasons why such phenomena as climate change becomes important and included into country's political discourse. After analyzing public rhetorics, Japan's position corresponds to eight criteria used in the work, ranging from global warming presentation as a global risk that will have negative consequences to aspirations to change current lifestyle by implementing domestic programs and participating in creation of international institutions. The analysis of the the second field shows that several big interest groups have been participating in the recent (year 2009-2011) Japan's climate change politics. Their influence is combined, domestic groups being the main players. Based on COP15 analysis, the biggest influence on Japan's position was Democratic party which won the election at the end of summer 2009. It was seeking to get support of the society and to promote the use of country's technological potential in international markets. By fulfilling their plans, the democrats did not meet strong opposing powers at home, because they had support from the citizens, did not have close relationship with business lobby, and were following previously approved strategic documents. In international area Japan was not bound by agreements and had support from influential international actors. Finally, the analysis of the third field revealed that climate change policy is presented by Japan's institution as: 1) a tool to display country's uniqueness in technological development, international leadership and active cooperation with other states; 2) a way to show that Japan is and will be active in participating in international climate change initiatives; 3) an opportunity to declare that the country is seeking to protect universally accepted values. It shows that participation in climate change politics is understood by Japan as important tool to strengthen its soft power.

By using two-level game theory this paper analyses factors that caused Japan's ambitious position in the 15th Conference of the Parties to the United Nations Framework Convention on Climate Change. Analysis is done by finding local and international lobby groups that are concerned with Japan's international obligations, examining their inter-relations, and comparing their positions with official Japan's aims. The results of the paper showed that the biggest influence on Japan's position was Democratic Party which won the election at the end of summer 2009. It was seeking to get support of the society and to use country's technological potential to accomplish projects mitigating causes of climate change. By fulfilling their plans, the democrats did not meet strong opposing powers at home, because they had support from the citizens, did not have close relationship with business lobby, and were following previously approved strategic documents. In international area Japan was not bind by bilateral or multilateral agreements, and had support from EU and other influential international actors.

By using two-level game theory this paper analyses factors that caused Japan's ambitious position in the 15th Conference of the Parties to the United Nations Framework Convention on Climate Change. Analysis is done by finding local and international lobby groups that are concerned with Japan's international obligations, examining their inter-relations, and comparing their positions with official Japan's aims. The results of the paper showed that the biggest influence on Japan's position was Democratic Party which won the election at the end of summer 2009. It was seeking to get support of the society and to use country's technological potential to accomplish projects mitigating causes of climate change. By fulfilling their plans, the democrats did not meet strong opposing powers at home, because they had support from the citizens, did not have close relationship with business lobby, and were following previously approved strategic documents. In international area Japan was not bind by bilateral or multilateral agreements, and had support from EU and other influential international actors.

The purpose of this article is to elucidate the problem of Japan's nuclear security deterrence strategy dilemma, which is balancing between pursuing nuclear autonomy and remaining under the United States' (the U.S.) extended nuclear deterrence protection. Through an examination of Japanese official documents, scholars' relevant literature on both Japanese and U.S. nuclear security and an analysis of Japan's geopolitical structure, the researchers resolve this dilemma through a nuclear deterrence perspective. Based on the evaluation of how Japan's nuclear deterrence credibility's potential is changing when pursuing either of the two options, the researchers conclude that the three geopolitical factors — the proximity to the strong nuclear adversary, the smallness of territory and lack of nuclear armament experience — determine that it is not in Japan's national interest to leave the U.S. nuclear umbrella and pursue autonomy through independent nuclear capabilities. In addition, given the similarity of three such geopolitical factors shared by them, the majority of small states (e.g. Eastern European countries such as Lithuania), it is reasonable to constitute them into an empirical model and conduct a further deductive study on the cases of other small cases.